Глобальные стратегии. Рубрика в журнале - Вестник ВолГУ. Серия: История. Регионоведение. Международные отношения
A Foreign Policy Strategy’s Formation by United States President Donald Trump in 2025
Статья научная
Introduction. The presidency of Donald Trump’s second term is significantly different from his first term. Therefore, the article’s objectives were to analyze a foreign policy strategy’s formation and the political technologies used by the American president’s administration on the international arena in cooperation with other countries in the first year of his presidency. Methods and materials. The scientific principle of objectivity and the evolutionist scientific approach were used as methodology in the article. E.M. Primakov – M.A. Khrustalev’s method of situational analysis in international relations was used as the main scientific method. The article’s author used some materials from American news publications, official White House reports, and American analysts and experts’ opinions from other countries. Analysis. A comparative analysis revealed changes in the United States’ foreign policy approaches and new American political technologies both in the field of international trade and in maintaining its hegemony. Results. The study showed that the United States faced new challenges in world politics in 2025 and was not ready to solve them. The United States itself has added the problem of tariffs to the international trading system. The United States has not been able to develop a sufficiently flexible foreign policy strategy or doctrine. The political technologies used by the United States in international relations are still insufficiently effective and efficient. “The art of the deal” in world politics used by Donald Trump is faced, if not with misunderstanding, then in many cases with rejection because it allows the United States to change previously adopted agreements. In addition, the American principle of getting the desired result “through force” does not work in many cases, especially in relations with China, Russia, Iran, and other countries. Formally, “The United States Foreign Policy Strategy 2025,” adopted and published in December, outlined the path in the foreign policy of the President Donald Trump administration for the remainder of his second term, which is to maintain the principles of national conservatism bequeathed by the United States founding fathers.
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Beyond US Hegemony: Sino-Russian Networked Security and the Rise of an Archipelagic Global Order
Статья научная
Introduction. The current paper studies the networked security cooperation between China and Russia within the emerging fragmented world order, where American hegemony is on the verge of decline. A multipolar structure relies on the heart of this emerging order, in which clusters of states form autonomous, interlinked “archipelagos” based on shared strategic interests. Methods and materials. Using the theory of Networked Security Complexes (NSC) as the theoretical framework, this study looks at how China and Russia respond to changing geopolitical patterns by creating interconnected security architectures that challenge conventional U.S.-dominated alliances. The study is seeking to answer the question of why and how China and Russia have significantly strengthened their security cooperation, constructing a strategic partnership, and how this partnership contributes to the new archipelago-based world order. To answer this question, methodologically, the research adopts a qualitative approach, integrating discourse analysis of official documents, joint statements, and strategic policy papers with process-tracing of key diplomatic and military engagements between Beijing and Moscow from 2010 to 2024. Analysis and results. The paper views Sino-Russian cooperation in contemporary world politics as a strategic deployment to fragmentation, suggesting an alternative version of regional stability, which, in turn, puts emphasis on sovereignty, non-interference, and mutual security guarantees over unipolar security leadership. Finally, the study comes to the conclusion that the aforementioned Sino-Russian network signifies not only contestation against Western-led global governance but also the alignment with the autonomous security balancing strategy, highlighting the rise of a polycentric and archipelago-based security governance system as the defining feature of the present-day international system.
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Статья научная
Introduction. Since the inception of the United Nations peacekeeping missions in 1948, the United States has been involved in them through significant financial contributions and on-ground logistical support. This trajectory of dependence on the US has also shaped the scope, strategy, and objectives of peacekeeping, reflecting a political overture of the United States’ geopolitical interests. Methods and materials. Through contextual analysis of the National Security Strategy of the United States and other relevant documents on peacekeeping, as well as a significant body of academic literature, this article examines the United States’ evolving position regarding the UN peacekeeping missions in the case of peacekeeping missions in Africa. Analysis. At present, the United States no longer views UN peacekeeping as a cooperative space. On the contrary, it pursues involvement in missions in conflict zones as a strategic maneuver to secure its own interests. Results. The merging of the peacekeeping missions with the regional security agenda due to the US’ influence can turn them into hybrid missions that combine peacekeeping with counterterrorism or stabilization efforts in the region. Authors’ contributions. D. Pushkina defined the research focus of the article, examined academic literature on USA administrations’ policies towards the United Nations, defined the main vectors of the research, examined UN materials, and contributed to conclusions. H. Singh identified research materials, analyzed official U.S. documents, and contributed to conclusions.
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Движение НАТО к географически глобальному охвату в деятельности: прошлая и новая стратегии
Статья научная
Введение. Сегодня заметно желание наделить НАТО компетенциями, которые далеко выходят за пределы зоны еe ответственности географически (как было в 2000–2010-е гг.) и функционально. Это важно для продвижения западноцентричной схемы миропорядка. Методы и материалы. Задача – исследовать стратегии 2000–2010-х гг. и вновь выстраиваемую к середине 2020-х гг. по географической глобализации деятельности НАТО. В статье использована концепция секьюритизации. Актор (истеблишмент «западных демократий») убеждает аудиторию (свои общества), что защита объекта (стран-участниц блока) невозможна без наращивания мощи НАТО и заметной географической диверсификации еe деятельности для «сдерживания» и «отбрасывания» оппонентов (РФ, а также ИРИ, КНР). Ранее актор доказывал аудитории опасность от угроз нестабильности из зон конфликтов в Азии и Африке, но не сумел обеспечить защиту, перешeл к поиску новых вызовов для противодействия. Анализ и результаты. В 1990-е гг. на Балканах НАТО отработала стратегический выход за пределы зоны ответственности. С учeтом этого опыта в 2000–2010-е гг. Альянс пытался позиционировать себя как провайдера безопасности для стран происхождения вооружeнного конфликта в Северной Африке, на Ближнем и прежде всего Среднем Востоке. Особенности и причины неудачной реализации этой стратегии раскрыты на примерах использования НАТО в Афганистане, Ираке и Ливии. К середине 2020-х гг. в основе планов обеспечить глобальное присутствие НАТО стало лежать еe подключение к «сдерживанию» круга оппонентов Запада, особенно РФ, КНР, ИРИ. В этом контексте Альянс стал укреплять позиции на постсоветском пространстве и Ближнем Востоке, готовить проникновение в Индо-Тихоокеанский регион. Заключение. Обобщены черты стратегий по глобализации деятельности НАТО, еe возвращение к традиционной нацеленности на «сдерживание», но уже в масштабах международной арены в целом.
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