Linguistic and Social Practices in Naming Places: The Case of Economic Institutions

Автор: Assia K.

Журнал: Science, Education and Innovations in the Context of Modern Problems @imcra

Статья в выпуске: 4 vol.8, 2025 года.

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In Algeria, the languages employed in the naming of places vary depending on the nature of the location, its geographic setting, or the linguistic identity of the targeted demographic. National languages—Arabic and Amazigh—are frequently used, alongside foreign languages such as French, Italian, Spanish, Turkish, and in-creasingly English as a global lingua franca. In some instances, a single place may bear a compound name composed of multiple languages. This study seeks to explore the onomastic practices surrounding naming con-ventions, focusing specifically on the naming of private-sector economic institutions. Drawing on a database of private enterprise names in Algiers, the analysis focuses on the languages used in these names, the orthographic forms they take, and how such naming is interpreted through local social interactions. The paper investigates the relationship between the economic institution as a commercial phenomenon and the sociocultural dynam-ics embedded in naming practices. It considers the spatiotemporal continuity of transmitted identity in its cul-tural, historical, and linguistic dimensions—dimensions that are closely tied to place and environment. The aim is to reveal the significance of linguistic plurality in naming, and to underscore the referential value of these names. Algiers was selected as a research site due to the richness and linguistic diversity of its naming practices, which offer insights into the sociological interpretations of commercial names. This work also attempts to un-cover the patterns that shape Algeria‘s auditory landscape through naming processes, and to examine the struc-turing elements of the Algerian imaginary as they appear in the public circulation of economic institution names across different historical strata experienced by the Algerian urban space. Accordingly, the central re-search problem is framed by the following questions: What are the social and cultural dimensions inherent in the language of economic institution names in Algiers? And how is linguistic plurality linked to local spatial contexts and affiliations?

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Language, Social Practices, linguistic plurality, economic institutions

Короткий адрес: https://sciup.org/16010636

IDR: 16010636   |   DOI: 10.56334/sei/8.4.75

Текст научной статьи Linguistic and Social Practices in Naming Places: The Case of Economic Institutions

In Algeria, naming usage reflects a high degree of linguistic layering, shaped by the function of the site, its geographic setting, and the linguistic background of the target group. Arabic and Amazigh remain the primary naming codes, but designations in French, Italian, Spanish, Turkish, and more recently English, are frequently encountered—especially in institutional and commercial contexts. It is not uncommon for a single name to combine lexical material from multiple languages.

The commercial appellation, or socio-legal designation, constitutes a core component in corporate onomastics and must be defined upon company formation. In Algeria, the naming of business entities is governed by provisions of the Commercial Code2. The structure of the name varies according to company type. In general partnerships, the corporate title usually includes the full names of all partners—or one or more names followed by “and associates”—which reflects the nominative transparency and relational trust underpinning this legal form. For limited liability companies (LLCs), the designation may stem from the name of one or more partners, the corporate purpose, or be entirely neological. However, it must explicitly include the legal form (“limited liability company”) and indicate share capital. Similarly, joint-stock companies adopt appellations linked to their corporate object or coined specifically for branding, yet must still disclose legal status and capital.

From an onomastic perspective, the commercial name must be distinctive, lawful, and compliant with public order and decency. It must not be misleading. Registration with the National Centre of the Commercial Register (CNRC) is obligatory to secure nominative rights and prevent illicit appropriation. For pragmatic reasons, it is recommended to opt for a name that is phonetically accessible and orthographically simple in both Arabic and Latin scripts, avoiding complex graphemes. Furthermore, verifying domain name availability is advised to ensure digital coherence across corporate communications3.

In Algeria’s linguistic reality, individuals and groups alternate among national languages—Arabic and Amazigh—spoken in their various regional forms, such as Kabyle, Chaoui, Targui, and Chelhi. French remains in common use, the result of historical layers that have contributed to the emergence of a multilingual society (Taleb El Ibrahimi, 1997). Multilingualism refers to the individual’s ability to function in more than two languages (Calvet, 2008). This includes contexts where multiple languages coexist to varying degrees of intensity, as well as situations of bilingualism, in which a dominant language is used alongside a vernacular (Martiné, 1960). It also implies a capacity to switch between languages fluidly, without syntactic interference. Linguistic competence, then, presupposes a functional command of each code (Touil, 2005), evolving in tandem with wider social transformations.

This inquiry has led us to engage with prior relevant studies, which formed part of our institutional research project4 . While we present only a limited selection here, one key reference is (Chafi , 2010) work on new naming practices of institutions and products in the Algerian context. The study sheds light on how certain investor naming choices reflect broader efforts to navigate developmental challenges within a competitive socio-economic landscape, asserting identity through the discursive function of names. Linguistic reality—embedded in time and space—emerges here as a deeper social dynamic, revealing a complex web of actors directly involved in shaping the onomastic identity of commercial enterprises.

A parallel contribution is found in a more recent study by (Almi, 2020), which examined the impact of technological integration in advertising signage on Arabic. This study examined how Arabic appears in today's commercial signage, particularly as it is influenced by digital and graphic design formats. What emerged was a deeper shift in how Arabic occupies public space - how it is seen, shaped, and reinterpreted - not just a change in layout or surface aesthetics.

One example worth noting is ( TALEB-IBRAHIMI, 2002) study, which examined how place names interact with Algiers’ linguistic landscape, especially in signage—on streets, in shops, across the urban fabric. The study’s findings suggest that the city’s multilingualism did not unfold slowly from within. It wasn’t shaped by steady, local adaptation. Instead, it was pulled in from outside—through shifts that were social, economic, and structural in nature.

2.    Linguistic Affiliations and Social Change

Language evolves in response to the shifts that shape society. As cultural frameworks change, as economies develop, and as technology becomes more embedded in daily life, linguistic systems begin to absorb these pressures. This adaptation becomes visible, above all, in vocabulary: new terms surface to describe emerging realities, while older words—often linked to professions or lifestyles in decline—gradually fall out of circulation.

These changes are not confined to internal dynamics. The effects of globalization and transnational mobility have introduced an increasing volume of foreign lexical items into local repertoires. Migration, in particular, brings languages and dialects into sustained contact, encouraging the emergence of hybrid forms that borrow from multiple sources. In this respect, language may be viewed as responsive—continuously shaped by its social and temporal environment, adjusting at the levels of lexicon, grammar, and communicative practice.

Naming follows a similar logic. In its turn, it is sensitive to its context—conditioned by time, by space, and by the values that communities attach to words and identities. External economic conditions affect not only the individual who generates the name but also the broader social environment in which that naming act takes place. This is the core of our inquiry: to understand how linguistic affiliations intersect with naming systems, and how these practices are situated within broader socio-cultural frameworks.

This research has centered on the language used in commercial names, the manner in which these names—often multifunctional or polysemous—are written, and how they are interpreted within local social interactions. The dataset consists of a corpus of names belonging to private enterprises in Algiers, a fertile site of investigation given the continuous expansion of the private sector and the persistent dynamism of the local economic market.

In studying how names reflect societal change, we chose to focus on the various mechanisms that shape the linguistic fabric of commercial naming. These names function, on one level, as tools of communication, and on another, as signs that encode complex social and cultural structures. The linguistic reality—contextualized temporally and spatially— reveals a deeper form of social interaction.

It suggests the presence of an intricate network of actors (economic and social) who contribute directly to the naming process. This act of naming marks the formal legal6 genesis of the commercial entity.

3.    Socio-Cultural Semantics in the Names of Economic Institutions

The internal structure of language cannot be studied in isolation from the external conditions that shape its use. Analyzing the various categories of names assigned to economic institutions—particularly to understand why investors choose one language over another in naming—requires a prior grasp of Algeria’s complex linguistic situation. The commercial name operates as the legal and symbolic entry point to brand acquisition, especially as materialized in signage, both written and spoken. The selection of a new institutional name is arguably among the most consequential decisions an entrepreneur can make.

The field of naming and name management is not only of scholarly or cultural interest—it is also, as (Ben Ramdane & Yarmech, 2022)observe, "one of the most authentic indicators of social, cultural, and political repositioning." These dynamics are particularly evident within Algeria’s local linguistic environment, where place-based and communityspecific naming practices reflect embedded identities. (Chaulet , 2002) describes the local community as a socially and geographically bounded space—whether a village, town, or rural settlement—where interactions between place, language, and identity unfold. In such contexts, naming is not a neutral act; it operates within a historical continuum, reflecting shared memory, spatial rootedness, and the sociolinguistic positions of those involved.

The language of economic institution names in the dataset generally leans toward the unconventional and seeks to capture consumer imagination. Naming practices in this context do not appear accidental.

They point to a noticeable departure from the ideologically framed conventions that were common under the socialist regime. With the move toward a market-oriented economy, a different pattern began to emerge—less rigid, more adaptive. This change seems to mirror broader shifts: the loosening of state control, the entry of external cultural references, and a gradual reorientation toward consumer responsiveness. One dimension stands out in particular: the cultural semantics carried within institutional naming. As   (Lebon-Eyquem, 2008)

reminds us, such names are not arbitrary—they are, fundamentally, “a social product.”

The dataset assembled for this study allows us to retain a number of names in their original linguistic form, which proves useful for examining both stylistic choices and socio-cultural positioning. From this material, we begin to outline a sociolinguistic reading of the naming dynamics currently observable in the capital. Our extended residency in Algiers provides a degree of interpretive proximity to local naming conventions, allowing us to identify some of the dominant cultural markers conveyed by the multilingual data. One example is the name Al-Mar a kiz al-‘ A lamiyya li-l-Lugha “Gh a y a ” ( The Global Language Centers "Gaïa") , located in Reghaïa (Algiers), which adopts a global tone while using Modern Standard Arabic. The name suggests an international orientation and implies that each centre offers instruction in multiple languages. By contrast, a name such as ‘Tyadat Diy a r al-Sa‘ a da li-l-Jaza’ir (The Happiness Homes Clinic of Algiers), located in El Mouradia and rendered exclusively in Arabic, may implicitly target a narrower consumer demographic by signalling cultural specificity.

In other cases, the choice of Turkish as the language of the name appears to function as a strategic appeal to affective familiarity. This linguistic shift, though relatively recent, has gained prominence alongside the popularisation of Turkish media and the growing presence of Turkish goods and investors in Algeria. One illustrative example from the dataset is la villa Güzel , a beauty and hair salon in El Madania. The name combines the French article and noun la villa — connoting a large, refined home often accompanied by a garden—with Güzel , meaning "beautiful" in Turkish. Turkish language usage in commercial signage only entered the Algerian linguistic repertoire following the rise of Turkish television dramas and Algeria’s increasing economic ties with Turkey. As

(Bouchentouf, et al., 2023)observe, "Algeria has been Turkey’s largest trading partner in Africa since 2006."

Business owners often select names with the explicit intention of attracting a younger demographic, one that is particularly responsive to linguistic aesthetics. The use of names borrowed from French reflects the continued prestige of the French language in Algeria, particularly within the urban linguistic landscape of Algiers in recent years. Francophone naming choices serve as a form of symbolic recognition of Algeria’s sociolinguistic reality. Meanwhile, the use of English-language names—such as AQUA DREAM LAND in Dely     Brahim,      BUILDING    AND

CONSTRUCTION in Zéralda, and SARL THE GYMLAND in Djasr Kasentina —illustrates the opening of Algeria’s domestic market to international commerce. These choices represent a broader trend linked to globalisation, wherein the integration of English into the economic sphere aligns with global linguistic currents, and reflects the increasing interest among Algerians in the English language. Such names stimulate consumer curiosity and enhance commercial visibility.

The dataset contains a significant number of compound names formed from multiple languages. Examples include MENUISERIE DARI in Douéra, CRÈCHE MINI PEOPLE in Bordj El Kiffan, and NEW LIFE CATERING ALGÉRIE in Khraïssia, Algiers. Despite the Algerian state’s Arabisation policies and official regulations requiring the use of Modern Standard Arabic in signage and public texts, the sphere of commerce often exceeds these regulatory frameworks. Business naming practices reflect the everyday sociolinguistic environment in which French retains symbolic and communicative value, a result of collective consciousness shaped by historical, economic, and cultural factors.

Moreover, the shift toward new technological paradigms—where English dominates usage and French remains the primary language in schools and universities—has reinforced the appeal of foreign-language naming. In this context, names in English and French function as strategic tools in marketing, promotion, and competitive differentiation within the Algerian market.

  • 4.    The Institutional Name Between Professional Identity Formation and Social Status Enhancement

    Linguistic communication plays a central role in reinforcing social belonging. Language, in this sense, is not merely a tool for conveying meaning; it is a performative force in constructing both social status and professional identity. The name, as a socio-symbolic marker, serves as a link between individuals and their past. Names operate as intuitive identity signals—less apprehended through reason than through social instinct. In this context, naming becomes a primary means of articulating collective identity, particularly in the case of family-run enterprises (Nekkaz, 2013). Examples from the dataset include Shariket al-Ikhwah Belkhir lil-Luhum (Belkhir Brothers Meat Company) in Baraki, and Sharket Mouf wa Abna’uhu, al-Wanshrees lil-Ry a dah (Moulfi & Sons, Ouansheris Sports Company) in Bordj El Kiffan. In these cases, the choice of name reflects an intention to derive symbolic blessing ( tabarruk ) from the family surname and to take pride in a lineage associated with capital, investment, and entrepreneurial recognition.

The use of family names in business thus shapes the symbolic perception of Algerian surnames, reinforcing their associative power in local and global markets. The family enterprise, understood as a business owned and managed by members of the same kin group, plays a "crucial and dynamic role in national economies" (Samaïni & Ben Abdallah, 2019)Naming often serves a dual purpose; on one hand, it helps reinforce the family’s social position. On the other, it supports the construction of a coherent professional identity within a competitive economic sphere. As noted by ( Sain Saulieu, 1977) in L’identité au travail, this identity is not fixed. It evolves—gradually—through institutional life, shaped in part by the reference group to which the business founder or owner belongs.

Through naming and signage, economic entities attempt to project layered values—belonging, lineage, professional ethos. (Fakkar, 2008)describes this act as one that reinforces socio-linguistic affiliation. This phenomenon becomes more apparent when the naming emerges from family or tribal contexts. In these cases, references to ancestry are not only common—they’re strategic. They carry weight. Take, for instance, the company Awlad al-'Amm lil-Istlrad wa-l-Tasdlr (Cousins Import & Export) based in Jisr Kasentina. The name signals kinship; it communicates a cultural grammar of solidarity, shared labor, and intra-family alignment. These choices are rarely arbitrary as they point to deeper logics namely kin-based social structures being expressed through institutional language. Space, too, finds its way into naming. In multilingual contexts, phonetic accessibility often guides the choice. At times, names emerge from environmental cues: topography, weather, landform. In these cases, the name anchors the business to a place, not just physically, but symbolically.

This is the field of toponymy—a linguistic domain that studies how humans label the spaces they inhabit, but these are more than just terms (Atoui, 2005). A place name often carries an embedded significance: historical traces, cultural memory, fragments of a past lived by those who shaped the terrain (Cheriguen, 1993).

In recent years, toponymy has gained attention—not only from linguists but from historians, geographers, and sociologists. What gives toponymy its relevance is its capacity to surface spatial histories—those that often go unnoticed or fall outside dominant narratives (Nouhi, 2017). These names do not operate at a single level. They hold cognitive weight, but they also carry affective charge and expose elements of social organisation. The function of place names operates across multiple layers. Like other naming systems, toponymy functions cognitively, affectively, and sociologically. People have names for their immediate surroundings—the familiar, intimate spaces they identify as their own community. At the same time, they also share broader sets of place names with larger linguistic or national communities.

For members of the same speech community, particularly when they also belong to the same local group, shared place names foster recognition and a sense of belonging. These names become embedded in their linguistic and spatial identity. Local toponyms are not merely neutral labels; they often carry deep emotional and social value, especially when tied to regional dialects. From this perspective, place names function as environmental markers, and for the individual, certain locations may hold particular symbolic or social significance.

Toponymy, along with anthroponymy (the study of personal names), is a subfield of onomastics—a discipline that treats names not merely as designators, but as symbolic systems encoding identity, culture, and heritage. What people may forget, suppress, or overlook, the land often remembers. The earth retains memory through its names. These names, in turn, reflect the enduring bond between individuals and their environments, whether expressed through family, tribe, or community. In this sense, names are not simply linguistic constructs—they are cultural signifiers that anchor identity to place, and link the personal with the collective (Louati, 2018).

Accordingly, the study focused on a subset of the dataset featuring economic institution names linked to geographic references. These include names derived from cities, districts, or natural landmarks. The divergence in naming practices between rural and urban settings often reflects distinct cultural norms and traditions. A number of widely observed and contextually meaningful commercial names in Algeria are drawn from place names—cities, neighborhoods, or geographic features—and are commonly used for reasons of marketing appeal and local identity. Examples include:

  •    Bab Ezzouar Mall Named after the Bab Ez-zouar district in eastern Algiers, the designation clearly signals location and evokes an immediate local association.

  •    Boumerdes Conditionnement An industrial packaging company that adopts the name of the Wilaya of Boumerdes to indicate both geographic affiliation and operational base.

  •    Oasis of Ouargla – Mineral Water The name “Ouargla” references a Saharan region rich in groundwater resources, reinforcing notions of purity and provenance.

  •    Tizi Fashion A clothing shop whose name draws on “Tizi Ouzou,” thereby appealing to clientele with strong Amazigh cultural identification.

  •    Sétif Aluminium A corporate name combining the name of the province, Sétif, with the type of industrial activity—aluminium production.

  •    Entreprises des Hautes Plaines (High Plateaus Enterprises) A name inspired by the vast steppe region of eastern Algeria known as the Hautes Plaines, evoking spatial scale and rootedness.

  •    Pont de Constantine Pack Named after the Jisr Qasentina (Pont de Constantine) neighborhood

in Algiers, this naming pattern is frequently used for service or transport companies.

Further examples include Restaurant Tlemcen in the Sidi M’Hamed district, Nassim al-Sahra’ (Desert Breeze) in the Casbah, and Tebessa Fish Company located in Bordj El Kiffan. Although the latter is based in Algiers, its name refers to the eastern region of Tebessa—reflecting the owner’s personal origin. The act of naming here functions as an expression of loyalty and geographical belonging. It signifies emotional attachment to one’s place of origin and the memory of a local environment in which the owner was raised.

Additional examples drawn from the dataset highlight the widespread use of place names within Algiers itself, demonstrating how businesses integrate urban geography into their branding. These include:

  •    Bab El Oued Express A logistics or transport company named after Bab El Oued, one of Algiers’ most iconic and historic neighbourhoods.

  •    Hydra Electric A business using the name of Hydra, a district associated with administrative and high-end residential character, to convey professionalism and quality.

  •    Bir Mourad Raïs Auto An automotive business referencing the Bir Mourad Raïs district, known for its industrial and commercial activity.

  •    Casbah Travel A travel agency invoking the Casbah, a celebrated symbol of Algerian heritage and cultural memory.

  •    Bachdjerrah Phone An electronics or mobile phone shop drawing on the name of Bachdjerrah, a district recognized for its commercial density.

  •    El Madania Café A restaurant or café named after El Madania, a mixed residential-commercial area near central Algiers.

  •    El Kouba Vision Likely an audiovisual or media company that adopts the name of El Kouba, another Algiers district.

  •    Belcourt Tech A modern, technology-oriented business name combining “Belcourt” (the

  • 5. Language and the Culture of Marketing

former name of Hussein Dey) with the English term “Tech,” suggesting innovation.

Such neighbourhood-based names reinforce local identity and generate a sense of geographic proximity. In some cases—particularly names like Casbah or Bab El Oued —they also evoke cultural or historical resonance. The combination of district name and business type (e.g., “Tech,” “Express”) enhances the semantic power of the commercial designation, producing a layered meaning that blends place-based affiliation with sectoral specificity.

There is little doubt that the language of commercial naming operates as a strategic tool for capturing consumer attention through all permissible means. In many cases, names evoke consumer desire by drawing on religious, historical, or cultural references. For example, names such as Le Coq Africain (The African Rooster) in El Harrach, Hour al-‘Ayn in Ain Benian, and Salle de Jeux Ghouila et son Frère le Génie in El Kalitous illustrate this dynamic. The name Ghouila is a diminutive of ghoul, a folkloric creature familiar to Algerian children through traditional tales, riddles, and oral heritage. Here, the naming strategy appeals to the shared cultural memory of both children and adults, rooted in popular heritage.

When incorporating elements that define the identity and reputation of the business, naming becomes impactful. A name does more than identify a business or product. It often shapes how it is encountered— how people perceive it at first glance, and how they remember it later. The right name can spark interest, draw attention, and contribute to brand visibility. In many cases, it becomes part of what sets a business apart, especially in competitive markets. It also helps establish a link with the intended audience— something that matters not just for recognition, but for long-term recall and reach.

Within the dataset, certain names appear to express religious affiliation, drawing on associations with purity or spiritual values. For instance, The name Qasr al-Muhammadiyya links directly to the Prophet—an intentional reference. Another example is Qassabat al-Rahma in El Kouba which uses the term rahma, or mercy, which carries strong resonance in Islamic tradition. The Qur’an, for instance, describes the Prophet’s companions as “merciful among themselves” (Surat al-Fath, 48:29). These names likely do more than identify a business. They signal values—compassion, purity, reverence—that may shape how the public receives them.

When it comes to linguistic acculturation and cultural hybridity, foreign-language names often reflect processes of imitation or influence from the Other. As Jakobson noted, “language and culture operate in solidarity; language must be understood as an integrated part of social life.” ( JACKOBSON, 1963). Naming businesses in foreign languages—French, English, even Chinese—often positions the product or service within a globalized consumer market. Examples from the dataset include La Chinoise Tex Confection in Réghaïa, Sheng Chang Import Export in Ben Aknoun, and EURL Sixième Sens Communication in Bir Khadem.

Femininity, too, carries symbolic meaning that is culturally transmitted through language. People acquire their community’s cultural codes via the language they speak, and for a long time, mentioning a woman’s name in public was considered socially improper. This stigma went so far that some women preferred to conceal or avoid using their real names7. But when looking at the linguistic landscape of Algerian business names, it becomes clear that the traditional views around feminine representation have softened. This change likely stems from the fact that naming power in the private sector lies with the business owners themselves, whose priorities are now guided by market logic—profit margins, branding, and competition—more than by cultural taboos. As a result, numerous enterprises in the dataset include women’s names, such as Kh a tam Kenza in Hydra, Kahina Garden for Perfumes in Ain Benian, and Amira Nesrine General Services in Mohammadia.

The search for business success and competitive positioning requires strategic thinking in the naming process. In line with the analytical reading of the selected dataset, several key factors emerge:

  •    Cultural influence: Names can reflect societal values and norms, influencing their reception and diffusion.

  •    Psychological impact: Names that carry positive or emotionally resonant meanings can enhance audience engagement.

  •    Economic function: A memorable and appealing name can serve as a powerful marketing asset.

  •    Identity formation: The name helps construct the institutional or product identity and should align with broader values and goals.

  •    Legal impact: In some cases, naming practices are shaped by legal and regulatory constraints, which must be factored into the decision.

These factors overlap and shape naming practices in ways that mirror the cultural and social identities of communities.

Conclusion

The name list compiled from the dataset allowed us to observe the presence of multiple languages—used either individually or in combination. Arabic and French dominated, followed by English, Spanish, and even Turkish. Amazigh was also present, though never in its own script. Instead, names appeared in Arabic letters or were Latinized. Still, despite growing influence from global languages, Arabic and French remain the most heavily represented.

Private-sector investors in Algeria, navigating both national and international markets, tend to seek visibility for their businesses beyond domestic borders. To that end, the name becomes a primary tool—something more than symbolic. It’s what allows a business to compete, to survive, and to claim space in increasingly globalized markets. The linguistic landscape of Algerian business names reveals a layered coexistence of languages. And though Arabisation policies have been introduced over the years, French continues to make a strong return. English, meanwhile, is steadily gaining ground, particularly within education and the economic sphere.

What the Algerian case makes clear is that formal language policies often diverge from actual practice— whether at the level of the individual naming the business, or the institution itself. Companies that adopt a more open, flexible approach to naming— especially those with market-oriented strategies—tend to respond to consumer realities rather than regulatory ones. In the context of globalized capitalism, the commercial name becomes a cultural signal, a social marker. In Algeria, as elsewhere, naming has turned into a meaningful act—linked to identity, visibility, and economic survival. What gives it strength is not just legality or aesthetic appeal, but how convincingly it communicates. In the end, the name functions as a tool of persuasion. And in most cases, it’s the first one a business ever uses.

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