Representation of Finno-Ugric vowel *a at the stem end in the Mordovian languages

Introduction. The aim of the article is to identify the article that corresponds to Finno-Ugric *а at the end of the stems in the Mordovian languages, as well as to identify patterns of phonetic changes. The subject of the study is the historical vowel *a of the end of the stem; the object is the Mordovian languages. Materials and Methods. The material of the study is data collected from the etymological dictionaries of the Finno-Ugric languages, during dialectological expeditions, as well as from the works of prominent Finno-Ugric scholars. It also employs scientific, descriptive and comparative-historical methods. Results and Discussion. Analysis of lexicographical sources has revealed that in the Mordovian languages (Moksha and Erzya) the development of the Finno-Ugric *a at the end of the stem has five main directions: 1) the original *a has been preserved in both Mordovian languages; 2) it was reduced in both languages; 3) in Moksha it is a reduced vowel in Erzya it is full [o]; 4) in a small group of words the vowel has been preserved in the Erzya language (though in a modified form) and in the Moksha language it fell out; 5) in the Erzya language have been preserved, in Moksha, there is a shifting articulation to the front row. Conservation of the quality of the Finno-Ugric *a of a non-initial syllable is likely due to the stress transition from the narrow vowel of the first syllable to the wide *a. Conclusion. The vowel *a of a non-initial syllable has naturally been influenced by a reduction and was realized in sound [ă], which in the closed position of the syllable alternates with [ə] if in the first syllable there is the expanded correspondence of Finno-Ugric close vowel; ; there is a system as a broad upper rise vowel of a non-initial syllable followed by a combination of consonants; there is [u]