Статьи журнала - Вестник ВолГУ. Серия: История. Регионоведение. Международные отношения
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Contemporary state and prospects of female protest development: from deprivation to mobilization
Статья научная
Introduction. The article presents the analysis of the сontemporary state and prospects for the development of women’s protest in a global perspective. The research focuses on the study of the causes and nature of mass women’s protest in the context of the formation of a new system of relations between the authorities and society represented by certain social groups. The relevance of the problem is determined by the need for a political science analysis of modern practices, causes and forms of women’s protest, making a forecast of the prospects for the development of women’s social movements. Methods and methodology. The methodological basis of the research is the synthesis of the relative deprivation theory by T.R. Gurr and the resource mobilization theory by Ch. Tilly, which makes it possible to present women’s protest through the prism of both psychological (deprivation) and institutional determinants. The empirical basis of the work is the data (338 cases) of the quantitative study “The Women in Resistance (WiRe)”, that is available for secondary analysis in the Harvard Dataverse Repository. Analysis. Women’s protests represent an institutional and non-institutional form of changing the “political field”. A common peripheral role of women in the political space serves as a basis for the formation of a common identity among them. A high degree of consolidation, as well as an active role of women in protest, correlates with the success of collective action. Protests in which women play an active role are more peaceful in nature. This is due to the mediating role of women, which prevents the growth of tension in the conflict. Results. Based on the analysis of statistical information and case-study, it was revealed that the economic and legal structural similarity of states does not determine the nature of women’s protest participation in politics, which is more dependent on historical practices, previously achieved results of women’s protest, the presence of institutional structures that organize protests, as well as on the specific problems of women in the state. The prospects for the development of women’s protest and women’s social movements are determined by the level of success achieved. While in Western Europe and the USA, women’s social movements are fighting for the achievement of post- material values, due to the solution of the economic differentiation problems, in Latin America, women are fighting for their natural right to life and their own bodies. A vector of women’s protest is aimed at combating all types of discrimination, but the nature of specific problems is fundamentally different.
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Cooperation between Russia and Norway: strengthening dialogue in the Arctic
Статья научная
This study analyzes the degree of influence of international tension due to anti-Russian sanctions on relations between Russia and Norwayat thegovernmental and regional levels, includingpolitical, economic, environmental, cultural, and other spheres. The authors begin by discussing how Norway's accession to anti-Russian sanctions and active involvement in NATO have affected bilateral relations, especially in the economic and political spheres. The presented work is based on the principles of historicism and objectivity. The methodological framework for writing the article is the model of neoliberal institutionalism and constructivism. The source base of the study, in addition to publications in periodicals, consists of official documents regulating the foreign policyactivities of Russia and Norway . The article attempts to structure the relations of the twoArctic neighbouring countries under new international conditions by highlighting two levels of interaction - governmental and regional - as well as critical elements, including issues of economic cooperation, mutual sanctions, cooperation in the field ofenvironmental protection and fisheries, cooperation between the two countries in Spitsbergen, cooperation in science, culture, and education; and regional cooperation between Russia and Norway in the North and the Arctic. The article discusses to what extent security issues affect the development of the Russian-Norwegian dialogue in using the NSR as a transport route and problematic issues around Spitsbergen. Finally, the authors consider what practical measures are being taken by Russia and Norway to mitigate the general international tension in the bilateral dialogue using public diplomacy in the framework of strengthening and expanding contacts through the Barents Cooperation and interaction at the level of municipalities as well as universities in Russia and Norway. The authors conclude that notwithstanding geopolitical tensions, regional cooperation due to common borders, cultural and historical heritage, and the geo-economic relationship could be the primarydrivers for the revival of ties between the two countries. Authors'contribution . Jawahar Vishnu Bhagwat developed the concept of the study and worked out its theoretical and methodological foundations. I.V. Rogachevanalyzed the policies of Russia and Norway in various areas of bilateral cooperation and formulated the final conclusions.
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Статья научная
Introduction. The key issue of this work is the relationship between the press, public opinion, and political institutions of Great Britain during the Crimean War (1853-1856). In this context, the political activity of the Sheffield radical John Arthur Roebuck (1802-1879) is considered. The relevance of the work is determined by the research thesis that, during the Crimean War, public opinion was no longer only broadcast by the press but was largely shaped by it.
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Current issues of information support of Russian foreign policy in the new political environment
Статья научная
Introduction. In the context of growing anti-Russian information wars, intensive and sharp ideological confrontation active information support of Russia’s foreign policy becomes more and more crucial. Methods. Authors use mainly the methods of expert evaluation and trends, opinion polls to prove that the US has long been waging information wars against Russia first using the term (“information war”) back in 1992. Moreover, with time the United States makes the methods of struggle more and more sophisticated and has already attracted the EU and NATO as associates. In addition, the methods of comparative analysis of research results of leading domestic and foreign experts in the field of information and ideological component of modern international relations and issues of information support of foreign policy of the Russian Federation, as well as general scientific and special methods of knowledge of legal phenomena and processes made as the object of the research: the method of systematic and structural analysis, comparative legal and formal-logical methods have been used. Analysis. Along with the tools of public diplomacy our state takes all the needed measures to defend its information sovereignty at all levels. Despite the fact that the Russian state strategy has consistently created a system of detecting, preventing and eliminating threats to its information security, still it is necessary to deal with ever growing amount of anti- Russian false information in the global media space. Results. Being one of the instruments of public diplomacy and foreign policy of any sovereign state, soft power takes into account the objective conditions of international relations and world politics and proceeds from the requirements of the national interests of the state as the main actor of the entire system of modern international relations. In the world practice of implementing the policy of soft power, starting with the creation of the Westphalian system of international relations, there was no precedent, when the state regardless of the socio-political nature of building a political system or the purposes of the foreign activity would be guided by different objectives and methods of analysis of world politics, the entire system of international relations and other goal-setting action in the international arena, including defined in the last decade by the concept of soft power. In the history of international relations, there has not been any world policy free from its ideological component. The thesis of de-ideologization of international relations, which received its definite distribution in the period immediatelyafter the collapse of the Soviet Union, in the practice of foreign policy actions of all the main actors of modern world politics has clearly proved its complete failure. Today, in the context of “hybrid wars” within the entire system of international relations, the world politics is no less ideologized than during the “cold war”. The political leadership of Russia allows the hypothetical possibility of cyberwarfare, provoked by the actions of the Republican administration of the United States. In December 2019, the White House authorized the preparation of a plan for conducting an information war with the Russian Federation by special forces of the U.S. Army, assigning the solution of this task to the above-mentioned cyber command. The policy of soft power of Russia, as well as its public diplomacy, as the whole complex of foreign policy activities of the Russian Federation in the international arena, is derived from the fundamental function of defending the national interests of Russia in the new political reality. The Russian Federation has consistently opposed the transformation of international relations into an arena of ideological confrontation with the use of tools of the so-called “information wars”. State sovereignty is unified. Information security, as a factor of ensuring information sovereignty, is a basic component of the unified state sovereignty. This is an accepted truth underlying the understanding of the nature of modern international relations, the principle underlying the foreign policy activity of any modern sovereign state, due to the objective regularity of the growth of the ideological factor of modern international relations. Moreover, in the face of targeted misinformation Russia needs to ensure its information security at both levels: political (ideological) and technical (technological) ones combining cyber as well as soft power tools. Only such a combination of these two crucial elements and continuous improvement can lead to victory in hybrid wars.
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Debates about Russia, America, and new world order: four books from the 1850s
Статья научная
Introduction. The first major crisis of the international relations system founded in Vienna after Napoleonic wars emerged with the series of European revolutions of 1848-1849 and Crimean War of 1853-1856. Not onlydiplomatic alliances required to be re-evaluated, but also politicians and thinkers challenged the philosophical foundations of the world order. As Russia was the guarantor of the old system, and the United States appeared as an attractive model for the European revolutionaries, the debate on the new world order involved re-assessment of the two countries respective roles and of their future relations. Methods and materials. The article examines books on the subject written during 1850s by four prominent thinkers: American aspiring politician Henry Winter Davis, Russian diplomat Alexei Evstafiev, Polish émigré and American journalist Adam Gurowski and Russian political émigré Ivan Golovin. Analysis. They provided four different visions of the future of the world, and, while never mentioning each other, produced a polyphonic sound of the important debate on the eve of the American Civil War. Results. Bipolarity of the international system predicted by Davis became a fact only a century later, while criticism and praise to American role as a model and an intervening power in European affairs became a constant feature of any subsequent debate.
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Development propsects of the Eurasian Economic Union as a regional integrational organization
Статья научная
Introduction. It has been almost thirty years since the idea of forming Eurasian space was voiced and seven years since that idea was embodied in the establishment of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU). Despite the acknowledgment of the EAEU importance and the recognition of the need of its further development by its member states, the organisation’s future is still in question. For instance, an increase in barriers has been observed, despite the fact that at the very beginning in 2015 when the EAEU was established, a gradual creation of the Eurasian customs union without exceptions and restrictions was proclaimed as one of its principles. Internal problems emerging between the EAEU member states considerably slow down the EAEU activity both within the EAEU and with its partners, and require a discussion of a broader agenda that goes beyond the economic sphere. In this regard, the authors set the goal of researching approaches to further development of the Eurasian economic integration as well as the harmonization of the EAEU member states in socio-cultural area. During the research, the authors used methods of scientific cognition, consistency, analysis and legal comparison. In order to examine the EAEU bodies’ development the authors also used legal research. Results. The authors’ position substantiated in the work is based on the history of the development of Eurasian economic integration, the influence of foreign policy, internal factors and soft power carried out by the neighboring countries of the region in various socio- economic spheres. Conclusions. As a result of the research, the authors come to the conclusion that it is necessary to restore and deepen cultural and historical ties between the participants of the Eurasian Economic Union, as a separate area of activity of the Eurasian Economic Commission.
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Digital diplomacy and social media networks: contemporary practices of innovation in foreign policy
Статья научная
Introduction. The article is devoted to contemporary digital diplomacy, which is implemented within the framework of social networks. Unlike traditional diplomacydigital one operates in a different communicative space where blogs, electronic media and global social networks are the key communication channels. Using these tools allows digital diplomacyactors to influence events and communities in other countries. Methods and materials. Method of mixing qualitative and quantitative data, hashtag-analysis, comparative analysis of the social networks’ messages and accounts were able to understand the dynamics and interactions in social networks, engagement and possibilities of institutional and private actors in digital diplomacy. Analysis. In the 2000s foreign policy and public diplomacy began forming based on data on the mood of users of social networks and their preferences in politics. Thanks to this, digital diplomacy may well become one of the innovative tools for resolving modern global problems. Digital diplomacy, as a new method and the tool for implementing foreign policy, contributes to the effective functioning of departments and ministries of foreign affairs, their response to the needs of citizens, to emerging challenges and threats to state security, like a global epidemic or natural disasters. Using digital tools, it is possible to shape the norms of communication, interaction and decision-making by which diplomats perform their work, modifying the diplomatic process. Besides this digital diplomacy increases the attractiveness of the state in the eyes of the world community. Results. Based on a comparative analysis study of the content of social networks, it could be concluded that over almost a decade, from the 2010s to the 2020s, digital diplomacy has developed from a “soft power” mechanism to a method of information warfare and propaganda which involves artificial intelligence tools and big data. But this is predominantly characteristic of technologically developed countries. It is possible to conclude about future co-existence of traditional and digital diplomacies in a new hybrid variety. Authors’ contribution. In this article Liudmila M. Reshetnikova has contributed Introduction, Research Methods, Analysis and Results sections: identified risks and threats to digital diplomacy, analyzed the development of the soft power methods, identified features and tools of digital diplomacy. Irina M. Samokhina has contributed Analysis and Results sections: analyzed social networks and digital infrastructure for digital diplomacy and diplomatic activity, contemporary computer tools for learning about social networks.
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Dynamics of the policy network in the aspect of global crisis phenomena (on the example of NATO)
Статья научная
Introduction. A peculiarity of modern political reality is the interconnectedness of the processes of globalization and fragmentation in the world. In a new emerging paradigm of international relations, policy networks come to the fore. These are the network structures for managing public affairs, uniting a variety of political actors. The relevance of the study is due to the need for an objective evaluation of the development of the policy network in the context of global changes as well as forecasting potential threats in the field of international security. The aim of the work is to examine the dynamics of the policy network in the context of global crisis phenomena, using the example of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization.
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Education as a tool of the formation and transmission of political values
Статья научная
The political culture of any society is supported and determined by the spiritual and moral values adopted by this particular society over the course of its historical development. We can say that general cultural values of the metaphysical order eventually transformed into socio-political values that formed the modern heterogeneous political space. The transmission of values, including political ones, takes place by means of exploiting different mechanisms by society and using different tools. Nevertheless, one of the most effective mechanisms at this time is education, which is more and more often considered by developed countries as a means of achieving their economic and political dominance in the international arena. In this aspect, education serves as a tool of “soft power” policy. It is through the expansion and spread of their education model that many countries promote their political values in economically and geopolitically important regions.
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Egerton Ryerson: building a spiritual and intellectual foundation for a Canadian identity
Статья научная
The article analyses the philosophical and political theories of Egerton Ryerson (1803-1882) - one of the leading figures of intellectual history of Canada in the 19th century. The authors concentrate their research on the religious, political and educational activity of Ryerson,on his vision of good government and reform of educational institutions in Upper Canada. Special features of the Scottish Enlightment are discribed as well.
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Статья научная
Introduction. The study analyses the reflection of the infrastructure projects on the Trans-Caspian transport corridor in the media. By combining the roles of transport corridor as a means of regional cooperation and overcoming ethnic issues between the countries, it is aimed at addressing two main questions. The first question would be on the reflection of infrastructure projects on the Trans-Caspian transport corridor in the media in the context of promoting regional cooperation, the second on whether news about infrastructure projects contains any ethnic based messages of discrimination or hostility to exclude any country from such projects. The BTK railway project is used as a case in this paper in this respect. Methods and materials. A conceptual content analysis methodology is applied in this study, which is limited to online media news of three major news agencies of Azerbaijan, Georgia and Turkey within a specific time period beginning from the official inauguration of the BTK until the date of conducting this research - 30 October 2017 - 15 May 2020. Analysis and results. The findings reveal that the news investigated within the context of this research involves positive messages supporting regional cooperation, mutual benefits and common interests that mayhave an incentive impact on public perceptions. It was also discovered that the news about the BTK railway project does not contain any content otherizing or excludes any country, which may help societies to focus on regional cooperation rather than vulnerable ethnic issues. Considering the difficulty of control of social media, it has been recommended that official news may avoid publishing messages with provocative content. Authors’ contribution. A.N. Uste developed the content of the article and carried out its general scientific editing. U. Sanili Aydin proposed a scheme for research analysis. The authors jointly analyzed the results.
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Evolution of British euroscepticism in the second half of the 20th century
Статья научная
Introduction. The United Kingdom is the most prominent example ofa Eurosceptic countryin the EU. For many years the United Kingdom did not feel a part of Europe. Great Britain was geographically separated from continental Europe and psychologically distant from the European integration movement established by the 1957 Treaty of Rome. The British Eurosceptic tradition rested on these geographic and psychological characteristics. Eurosceptic traditions included political, economic, linguistic, cultural and historical aspects that made it difficult for the United Kingdom to accept European integration. Methods and materials. The research methodology is based on narrative and comparative methods. The materials of the study incorporate statements of certain British politicians about attitudes towards European integration, works devoted to the analysis of Euroscepticism in the United Kingdom and manifestos of some far-right political parties. Analysis. Astudy of the attitude to European integration of the two main political forces of Great Britain, namely the Conservative and the Labour Parties, in the second half of the 20th century is carried out. Results. The study results in the creation of a periodization of British Euroscepticism in the second half of the 20th century. Three stages of evolution of British Euroscepticism in the period under study are distinguished: 1) the stage preceding the entryof Great Britain into the European Communities, conventionallycalled “Labour”; 2) the stage of the United Kingdom’s participation in the “common market”, conventionally called “Conservative”; 3) the stage of Britain’s participation in the European Union, conventionally called “Right-wing populist”. Their chronological framework is established and their main characteristics are given.
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Exchange of captives within the framework of the truce of deulino
Статья научная
Введение. В статье исследован вопрос обмена военнопленными между Россией и Речью Посполитой после заключения Деулинского перемирия 1 (11) декабря 1618 года. Это перемирие ознаменовало окончание Смутного времени в Московском государстве и установило мирные отношения между Россией и Речью Посполитой на 14 лет. Автор провел анализ обстоятельств обмена пленными, а также выделил основные проблемы, которые возникли в ходе реализации договоренностей. Материалы. В качестве источников в исследовании использованы неопубликованные документы Посольского приказа: статейные списки, челобитные, списки договорных записей, хранящиеся в виде столбцов и книг в Российском государственном архиве древних актов в фондах № 79 «Сношения с Польшей» и № 141 «Приказные дела старых лет». Результаты. Деулинское перемирие предусматривало решение двух текущих вопросов: передачу семи приграничных городов и их уездов с последующей делимитацией границы и обмен военнопленными. Со временем была достигнута только часть первых договоренностей. По общему признанию, замки плавно перешли в польско-литовское владение, но из-за взаимных притязаний граница на Трубчевско-Новгородско-Северско-Брянской линии и Витебско-Торопецкой стала частью Поляновского мира (1634 г.), положившего конец Смоленской войне. Проблемы были также с обменом пленными, который произошел с опозданием более чем на три месяца. Здесь, однако, единственным виновником была польско-литовская сторона.
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Статья научная
Introduction. Currently the notion of the “soft power” is perceived as an effective way of nation’s non-forcible influence on other countries with a view to implement one’s own objectives. Suchlike implementation is confined to particular spheres to form a positive image of the nation. Higher education today is one of the most efficient instruments of the “soft power” implementation in the countries of Central Asia, for it allows securing friendly political and economic elite as well as enhancing the quality of labour migrants to the Russian Federation. The aim of the research is to analyze particular features of the “soft power” implementation in the domain of higher education in case with the region of Central Asia on the example of Northern (Arctic) Federal University named after M.V. Lomonosov (the city of Arkhangelsk, Russia, henceforth NArFU). Methods and materials. The study is based on systematic and comparative approaches to the analysis of the Russian “soft power” strategy in the domain of higher education. The studyin hand also draws on general approaches to the “soft power” implementation in the region of Central Asia. The main sources for the analysis are annual reports on implementing the NArFU programme of development. These reports pay a great deal of attention to academic recruiting and academic mobility. Analysis. The Central Asia region is crucial from the view point of Russia’s interests. The region is rich in hydrocarbon deposits, it boasts a great transit potential in international trade, and this is the region where the biggest number of migrants come from to Russia. For these reasons Russia is strengthening its “soft power” influence on Central Asian countries in general and in the sphere of higher education in particular. From the very day of the NArFU foundation in 2010, the region of Central Asia has been considered as a high-priority region. The example of NArFU demonstrates that the number of international students in the total number of full-cycle students has risen by 8.4 times, wherein the growth is secured mainly by students from Central Asian countries. Central Asian students’ percentage of the total number of international students is 82-89.3%. The percentage of students from the region in question, doing short-term educational programmes is also high - 49.5-61.4%. Diverse mechanisms are exploited to attract would-be students to NArFU: agreements with educational establishments of the region; visits of NArFU’s representatives (both lecturers and students) to the region; NArFU’s participation in international exhibitions on education; presenting NArFU’s educational programmes on the basis of “Rossotrudnichestvo” regional offices; inviting school graduates to study within the quota for fellow-countrymen residing abroad; arranging off-site university testing and multi-disciplinary intellectual contests; higher educational allowances and medical insurance compensation; active promotion with the help of social media. The international Friendship Club and the team of tutors were set up to ensure better social and cultural adaptation, regular events and excursions take place on the same purpose. Results. Despite the fact that there is no general state-level integral concept on attracting school graduates from the countries of Central Asia to the universities of Russia, NArFU managed to occupy the niche on the educational market of the region. University’s administration has been pursuing a clear course towards attracting would-be students from Central Asia, exploiting a wide range of mechanisms to enhance academic recruiting, relying upon the advantages of Arkhangelsk region in the sphere ofmigrants’ adaptation. Over the recent ten years the factors mentioned above have brought about more than eight times growth of students from the region of Central Asia in NArFU.
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Статья научная
The recent data related to the legend of St Anastasia in Byzantium require a fresh analysis of the mutually connected cults of Anastasia and Febronia in both the Christian East and West. Part One of the present study is focused on the East, whereas Part Two will be focused on the Latin West. In Part One, the cult of Anastasia is discussed especially in Constantinople from the mid-fifth to the fourteenth centuries, with special attention to the epoch when the Imperial Church was Monothelite (seventh century). In this epoch, a new avatar of St Anastasia was created, the Roman Virgin, whose Passio was written on the basis of Syriac hagiographic documents. The cult of this second Anastasia was backed by Monothelite Syrians, whereas the fifth-century cult of Anastasia in Constantinople was backed by the Goths. Transformations of Anastasia cults in the era of state Monothelitism were interwoven with a new Syriac cult of Febronia of Nisibis that appeared in the capital shortly after its creation in Syria in a Severian “Monophysite” milieu.
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Статья научная
The present article is a part of the study of the hagiographical dossier of St Anastasia, where the authors focus on three major problems: 1) the earliest Roman legends containing the name of Anastasia and other names occurring in her dossier; 2) the cult of the historical martyr in Sirmium that was lately transformed into the cult of St Anastasia; and 3) the place of the Anastasia church in the pre-Byzantine stational liturgy in Rome. The latter point involves a study of the original place, in the fifth-century stational liturgy of Rome, of the basilica Santa Maria Maggiore.
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Статья научная
Sections from 1 to 4 of Part Two of our study, which is dedicated to the western legends of Anastasia, are focused on an investigation of the Aquileian legend and, then, going in the reverse chronological order, on the early Roman legend before its reception in Aquileia. The plot line dedicated to Chrysogonus is an Aquileian addition lacking from the earlier Roman legend. The pious mother of Anastasia called Fausta belongs to the same plot line, whereas the mother of the “original” Anastasia was pagan.
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France in the process of the resolution of conflicts on the african continent
Статья научная
Introduction. Historically, France has always had an impact on the African continent. Despite the independence of most French colonies in Africa, France managed to maintain its position in the region. The system called “Françafrique” was created. The first element of this system is economic cooperation, namely the fact, that Africa provides an opportunity to use its natural resources. Another important element is the military one. The White paper of France has repeatedly emphasized the strategic importance of Africa for the Fifth Republic. In the 2010s, the situation in the region deteriorated. France’s assistance in overcoming internal crises in Mali, Chad, Libya can be considered an evidence of the increasing role of France in conflict resolution, and that is the thing which is analyzed by the author in this work. Methods and materials. While writing the article, both official documents of the French government and analytical works of famous French authors were used. Both general scientific methods (analysis, synthesis) and quantitative scientific methods (event analysis and content analysis) are used in the paper. Analysis. The article is devoted to the activities of France on the African continent in the period from 2011 to 2017. A Special attention is paid to the role of France in the conflict resolution of Africa. In particular, the paper considers France’s support for the adoption of the UN resolution in response to the civil war in Libya in 2011 and military intervention in the country; militaryoperations of the Fifth Republic in the Sahel zone - Serval operation and in the Central African Republic - Sangaris operation, military presence of France in Djibouti. The paper emphasizes the keyprovisions of the French policy towards the African continent aimed at the preservation of French influence in the region. Results. In the article, the author comes to the following conclusions: France is not ready to abandon its military ambitions, it continues Barkhane operation, without stopping the fight against terrorism in the Sahel region; despite the competition from other countries (in particular, China and Japan), France’s military presence in Eastern Africa remains the same, France does not intend to leave the base in Djibouti.
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