Вестник ВолГУ. Серия: История. Регионоведение. Международные отношения @hfrir-jvolsu
Статьи журнала - Вестник ВолГУ. Серия: История. Регионоведение. Международные отношения
Все статьи: 1810
Статья научная
Introduction. The article researches Tonkin - Cochinchina Civil War (in Vietnamese history, also known as Dang Trong - Dang Ngoai War or Trinh - Nguyen War) that took place from the early 17th century to the late 18th century in Vietnam. Methods and Materials. When researching this matter, the author used Western materials, including writings, reports, correspondences, diaries, etc., of Western missionaries, merchants, and travellers used to operate in Vietnam in the 17th and 18th centuries. The author combines two main research methods of historical science (historical method and logical method) with other research methods (system, analysis, synthesis, comparison, etc.) to clarify the article’s contents. Analysis. In the 17th and 18th centuries, the struggle for political power between two powers: Trinh Lord in Tonkin and Nguyen Lord in Cochinchina, caused Vietnam to undergo a fierce civil war that lasted for more than a century. This civil war was scattered mentioned in Western missionaries, merchants, and travellers’ materials (including writings, reports, correspondences and diaries), operating in Vietnam during this period. The cause of the civil war outbreak, force correlation between two sides, happening of some battles and using foreign resources of Trinh Lord and Nguyen Lord to defeat the enemy, those were the contents recorded by Westerners. Despite not much adequate, researchers also have a basic visualization of Tonkin - Cochinchina Civil War’s panorama taking place in Vietnam in the 17th and 18th centuries. Results. Based on researching several contents related to Tonkin - Cochinchina Civil War, mentioned in writings, reports, correspondences, and diaries of Westerners present in Vietnam in the 17th and 18th centuries, the author analyzed to draw out the advantages and limitations of these materials. On that basis, the author initially clarifies its value for the research and assessment of Tonkin - Cochinchina Civil War of Vietnamese scholars at present and in the future.
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Статья научная
This article reconsiders the textual and archaeological evidence on the delimitation and, most importantly, on the naming and the praised “goods” around or in “Kisterna”, a still disputable area situated in the NW (Messinia province) or southern (Laconia province) Mani peninsula. These are a Venetian document, as well as the French and Greek versions of “Chronicle of Morea”, the historical works of George Pachymeres, Nikephorus Gregoras, Makarios Melissenos and archaeological heritage, that is, the castle of Leuktro in Stoupa, Oriokastro in Ano Poula, Tainaro cape in Kinsternes bay. According to the interpretation introduced, the regional landscape and topography, the naming could potentially be associated with cisterns and basins where sh by-products preservation and processing was taken place. These workshops were known from the Roman period as cetariae and probably as “lakkoi” in the Byzantine era. The article by its structure includes the parts “Introduction - Aims”, “Deconstructing a) the term and the reason of the “theme” and “Deconstructing b) the naming”, “Revisiting a) the primary sources” and “Revisiting b) the archaeological evidence” as well as “Conclusions”.
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Rights over “the property of another” (iura in re aliena) in Byzantine and mediaeval Serbian law
Статья научная
In some cases, when a person owned property, his rights over such property might be limited. The most important rights over another’s property, mentioned by Byzantine law and accepted in mediaeval Serbian legal sources are servitudes, pledge and emphyteusis. The rules on servitudes (äïõëåßá - rabota) penetrated in Serbian law at the beginning of 13th century, when Saint Sabba (Свети Сава) incorporated in his “Nomokanon” the whole Byzantine “Procheiron” . Its chapter XXXVIII , under the title “On novelties” (Ðåñr κáéíïôïìé§í), contains different provisions, concerning the servitudes, mixed with administrative rules on building the new houses. That was the reason why Serbian translators of “Procheiron” entitled this chapter as “On building of new houses, reconstruction of the old and other things”. While the chapter XXXVIII of “Procheiron” contains 64 provisions, Matheas Blastares took in his “Syntagma” only 18, and created a short Chapter K-3 under the same title “On novelties”(“O novotvorenxhь” in Serbian translation). It contains, beside different decrees and prohibitions by administrative authorities, some urban servitudes, that could be changed by special agreements (óõìöþíïí - sьglasi«). Byzantine legal miscellanies always put together the rules on pledge in the same chapter with the provisions on loan, although modern legal science treats pledge as a part of the law of property and loan as a real contract and the part of the law of obligation. The chapter X of “Ecloga” has a title “On literal and unliteral loans and for them given pledges”; the chapter XVI of “Procheiron” is known under the title “On loan and pledge” and the chapter XXVIII of “Epanagoge” entitled “On loans and pledges”. For this reason, Matheas Blastares included the chapter Ä-2 under the title “On lenders, and loan, and pledges” in his “Syntagma” . Among Serbian legal sources, pledge was mentioned onlyin a few documents: these are so called “Justinian’s Law” (art. 26 and 27); King Milutin’s chrysobull, granted to the Hilandar’s pyrgos in Chrousija; King Dušan’s chrysobull, giving the church of Most Holy Virgin in Lipljan to the Hilandar’s pyrgos in Chrousija; and Dušan’s “Law Code” (art. 90). The chapter XV of the “Procheiron” has the title “On emphyteusis” and contains six provisions, speaking on emphyteusis of Church estates. Matheas Blastares introduced a short Chapter E-8, entitled “On emphyteusis” (“O nasa`denîi” in Serbian translation), in his “Syntagma”. Its chapter represents an interpretation of Justinian’s Novella CXX, chapters 2 and 8. In Serbian legal sources we can not find any information on emphyteusis.
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Risks in the North Caucasus: potential or real escalation of the ethnopolitical situation
Статья научная
Introduction. Positive dynamics in the ethnopolitical sphere of the North Caucasus does not mean that there are no further risks of the escalation of the ethnopolitical tension and stabilizing processes are irreversible. The goal and objectives of the article are the identification of the current ethnopolitical situation in the North Caucasus and assessment of the achievements or failures of the decade-long implementation of programs of reconstructiong the region. The authors identify risk factors of the ethnopolitical tension in the North Caucasus as a key approach to conflict forecasting, develop a hierarchy of risk factors, and assess the optimality of management decisions. Methods and discussion. In the context of the discussion the most relevant is understanding risks as an inevitable product of decision-making (Luhmann). The analysis of risk generating processes in the North Caucasus is most effective from the standpoint of the conflict studies (conflict resolution) approach (Burton). Empirical data was obtained by series of expert surveys, the Delphi method, content analysis of media sources (the Internet, printed press, radio, television) and analysis of official statistical data. The conclusion was made that during the past three years positive results have been achieved mainly due to administrative resources and activities of the institutions of force (“siloviki”), but those resources are close to exhaustion. All “classical” risk factors identified by the country’s leadership in 2009 remain and “new” risk factors are actualized. Among the “classical” risks, the first positions are occupied by the low level of industrial production, the critical dependence of the North Caucasus republics on federal budget subsidies, the lag in life standards in these republics from the average in Russia, the retention of a high unemployment rate. These risks are to a large extent due to such factor as the low efficiency of regional authorities. The “new” risk factors include those that were in a latent state, but now can turn into manifest conflicts. This is, above all, a land-use problem that has various modifications: ethnic, territorial, economic, historical. Further studies of the problems of the North Caucasus are related to the analysis of the effectiveness of the system of ethnopolitical security and centre-peripheral relations, to the new non-trivial approaches in the theory of Russian federalism, to the choice of a model of spatial development of the Russian Federation. Analysis and results. Despite the general improvement of the climate of ethnic relations, risk factors in the ethnopolitical situation in the North Caucasus can result in the return of the region to the negative conflict scenario. The modern North Caucasus can be characterized as a risk society, in which risks appear as a result of decision making more and more frequently. Some positive “shifts” in the economic and social basis of life in the region are not sufficient for irreversible changes of the situation for the better. The specificity of current problems in the North Caucasus is that their conflict potential can be implemented “unexpectedly” through various indirect links.
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Статья научная
Introduction. The article studies the Triple Frontier – a Tri-Border Area along the junction of Brazil, Argentina and Paraguay. The main aim is to analyze the reasons for its perception as an ‘outlaw territory’, the term generally associated with the terrorist threat. Methods and materials. Stigmatization theory, symbolic interactionism and securitization theory serve as a theoretical and methodological basis for the research. The main sources for the analysis are official reports, communiques, interviews, and publications in leading periodicals. Analysis. The article analyzes the formation of international perception of the Triple Frontier since the mid- 1990s. It highlights objective and subjective grounds for the negative image that has been created to date; defines the mechanisms exploited by the United States to stigmatize the region and the reasons for selective securitization of threats emanating from there. According to the authors, the Triple Frontier is characterized by a complex set of relationships between multiple stakeholders. Their diverse and often contradictory interests form a convergent-divergent space which affects security of local residents, security of Latin American countries, and, to a certain extent, international security in general. Results. In the final part of the article the main scientific results obtained during the research are formulated, and possible ways of further development regarding this case are outlined. The authors conclude that to destigmatize the Triple Frontier it is necessary to rebrand it – to create a new, positive image, taking advantage of the geopolitical and geo-economic situation, as well as the availability of unique water resources
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Russia-Ukraine military conflict and its influences on Kurdistan region of Iraq
Статья научная
Introduction. This article, empirically and theoretically, analyses to what extent the Kurdistan region of Iraq (KRI), as a far-away non-state actor, has been affected by the Russian-Ukrainian military conflict. Analysis. The theory of globalisation highlights that under this circle, a number of sectors in the Kurdistan region, for instance, energy, economy, migration, individual psychology and education, have been profoundly influenced. The article further points out that both direct war-involved actors globally have been heavily relied on, in light of some basic human needs, simultaneously recognises both states as either developed or supported by developed countries as well as rich in various resources, in particular the state of Russia; thereby, they could easily leave significant influence on any actors anywhere at any time.
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Статья научная
Introduction. Digital diplomacybased on cutting-edge information and communication technologies is playing an increasingly major role and is gradually becoming an important tool in boosting traditional public diplomacy by providing information and public opinion support for the implementation of the country's foreign policy abroad. The Embassy of the Russian Federation in China has been actively engaged in digital diplomacy on the Chinese social media platform Sina Weibo, aiming to put an end to the “public opinion hegemony” of the Western media and counter fake news and negative propaganda from Ukraine and other countries about the Special Military Operation. Methods and materials. This paper is built on a streak of official interviews with diplomats at the Embassy of the Russian Federation in Beijing. Drawing on content analysis of the microblogs published by the official account of the Embassy of the Russian Federation in China from January 1, 2022 to April 1, 2023, this article examines the digital diplomacy of the Russian official institutions regarding China against the background of the Russian Special Military Operation in Ukraine. Analysis. Russia's digital diplomacy towards China has been focusing strongly on the Special Military Operation. In the field of digital diplomacy with China, two main information sources have arisen that are represented by the Russian Embassy in China and two mainstream media outlets, Russia Today and Sputnik. They advocate steadfastly for Russia's national interests and express its official stance. In terms of content and topics, the Russian Embassy's Weibo diplomacy with China is overwhelmed by the political issues following the Special Military Operation, that emphasize the official position of Russia and explains the objectives of the Special Military Operation - to disarm and control the foreign forces used against the people of Donbas and to stop neo-Nazism and its ideology. In terms of communication methods, the Weibo operations team of the Embassy of the Russian Federation in China has demonstrated its professionalism and aptitude to market events while using such unique Weibo functions as the hashtagging events feature. Results. The target audience's attention to a hot issue is time-sensitive, i.e., about one month after the event, which is the “golden stage” for effective digital diplomacy. At the same time, the study illustrates that while carrying out digital diplomacy activities with China, the Russian Embassy in China still has shortcomings in its performance, i.e., in early 2023, the official position was over-highlighted and the content and form of communications were relatively homogeneous. The content of communication should be appropriately enriched in order to eventually build up a multi-faceted and multi-angle communication system.
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Статья научная
Introduction. The article analyses the relevant content of the “science diplomacy” concept and describes the key trends of its implementation, taking into account the points of view of current Russian diplomats on the problem. Science diplomacy is becoming a relevant area of diplomatic activity under the conditions of modern globalization processes. As an important area of the activity of the state, it implies not only the establishment of effective science cooperation with other countries but also optimal use of its own scientific potential with a view to upholding the national interests and improving the image of the state. Methods and materials. The authors have reviewed a number of expert points of view from modern researchers. Based on the use of general and special scientific methods, some important conclusions have been drawn concerning the specifics of the development and relevant content of science diplomacy. By comparing and systematising the empirical data obtained from a number of sources, some scientifically significant directions of state activity in this area have been determined. Analysis. By summarising cases from diplomatic practice, the authors seek to determine the role of science diplomacy in the implementation of the current foreign policy tasks of the Russian Federation. According to the results of interviews with S.V. Garmonin, Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the Russian Federation in the Swiss Confederation, and A.B. Dorovskikh, Consul General of Russia in Geneva, the basic principles of the practical filling of the “science diplomacy” concept in the activities of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs are formulated.
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Some remarks on the divergences in the narrative of george akropolites and theodore skoutariotes
Статья научная
This paper deals with the differences between the texts of the two main sources for the 13th-century Byzantine history - Χρονικx συγγραφή of George Akropolites and Σύνοψις χρονική of Theodore Skoutariotes - who give an account of the events from 1204 to 1261. The Chronicle of Theodore Skoutariotes relies on the historical work of GeorgeAkropolites to a great extent, although significant additions toor omissions from Akropolites’ narrative can be noticed. The greatest divergence from the text of Akropolites is in the portrayal of the Laskarid emperors and the first Palaiologos, Michael VIII. Skoutariotes expressed positive attitude towards the Laskarids in the praises of their imperial virtues. In respect to Michael VIII, however, Skoutariotes tended to mitigate the excessive commendation of Akropolites by omitting certain epithets, or, by a careful word play that sometimes resulted in completely opposite statements compared with the ones we find in Akropolites. The differences in the accounts of the two writers can be explained by Skoutariotes’ employment of other sources, unknown to us today, and also by the fact that he included his eye-witness account in the Chronicle he compiled. The additional details provided by Skoutariotes are corroborated with the information we find in other surviving sources, a fact which gives his testimony much more significance than previously believed. Apart from that, the author rises an important question of the employment of Skoutariotes’ Chronicle by later historians. The article consists of the following sections: Introduction ; George Akropolites and Theodore Skoutariotes. Their works ; Methodology ; Results and general remarks ; as well as Divergences concerning the reign of Theodore I Laskaris (1205-1221) ; John III Vatatzes (1221-1254) , Theodore II Laskaris (1254-1258) ; Michael VIII Palaiologos (1259-1282) ; and Conclusion .
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Sovereign court of Vasily III: historical and genealogical research
Статья научная
The research is focused on the issues concerning personal and genealogical composition of the Sovereign court during the great reign of Vasily the Third (1505-1533). The relevance of the research is connected with the small number of works devoted to Vasily Ivanovich's reign (in particular, monographs by A.A. Zimin and A.I. Filyushkin), and with that fact that such institute of the organization of the upper class and middle class of the Russian society as the Sovereign court is insufficiently studied. On the basis of the earlier developed methodology of allocating the servant landowners who constitued the capital court, and the reconstruction of the court nobility in the first third of the 16th century, the authors for the first time analyze th e genealogical structure of the Vasily III court. It is proved that the core of the Vasily Ivanovich's court was formed by those surnames, which had already been known under his father Ivan III. However some changes are also revealed. There was a limited access to the court nobility for little-known and lowborn surnames, so the composition of the court became more aristocratic. This was partly due to strengthening of princely aristocracy represented by the Gediminovich prince's sons of Northeast Russia, as well as princes of the Lithuanian origin. The greatest number of departures on service to the capital took place from Lithuania and passed against the background of Russian struggle for Smolensk. Another understudied aspect of the court concerns Pskov accession to Moscow and the formation of Pskov service corporation. This article attempts to restore the composition of the first Pskov landowners, to determine the initial land accessory (mainly from the Novgorod land) and to trace their gradual inclusion in the capital court during the first half of the 16th century. A section about Vasily the Third's clerks concludes the publication. The composition of the grand-ducal office is studied, its comparison with the clerks of Ivan III is carried out, and a conclusion is made about a significant increase in the prestige of the clerk's service and the beginning of the folding of the dynasties of departmental employees. As an illustration, monograms and signatures of the famous clerks of Vasily III are given. The authors analyze the reasons of the substitution of monograms for signatures which was reflected in office-work of the end of the 15th - first third of the 16th century. A.L. Korzinin analyzed personal and genealogical structure of the Sovereign court in the first third of the 16th century. N.V. Basnin studied the change in traditions of the paperwork (signing, monograms, clerks' signatures) in the context of the history of state institutions.
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Статья научная
Background: The purpose of this study is to identify common and specific trends in the implementation of models of Soviet and post-Soviet modernization of the timber industry in Russia. Methods: The methodology of the research is based on the use of theoretical approaches of historical and economic sciences. Such a wide range of methodological approaches used in the work is related to the complexity of the study, which included analysis of the interaction of the state, the timber industry complex and the region at the macro-, meso- and microlevels of social and economic interaction. Findings: The dynamics of the development of the domestic timber industry complex during the period under review was characterized by a hasty growth, then a stage of maturity and, subsequently, a stage of decline. Moreover, this dynamics was marked both in production and economic indicators, as well as in capital investment indicators that affected the industrial and social infrastructure of the timber industry, as well as on quantitative and qualitative indicators of the development of mechanization in the timber industry and the achievement of scientific and technological progress. The final transition of the domestic timber industry complex from a group of stable industries of the old technological order to the problem group has become an obvious proof of the counter-modernization model of development. However, we need a search for new transformational solutions. At the present stage, Russia needs an urgent transition to the process of building a cluster policy in the timber industry. Such a policy should be carried out both at the regional and national levels, as well as in the context of international cooperation. Application:The findings of the study will be helpful for specialists who deal with the issues of economic or industrial history.
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Stalingrad-Volgograd as a symbol of heroism and patriotism in the public space of the modern world
Статья обзорная
The paper presents the analysis of the Russian and foreign academic events dedicated to the 75th anniversary of the defeat of German fascist troops by the Soviet troops in the Battle of Stalingrad, in which lecturers, postgraduate and undergraduate students of the Volgograd State University (VolSU) took part. The focus of the paper is on the multilateral activities of the Center for Public Diplomacy, functioning on the basis of the VolSU, as well as of the Scientific and Educational Center “Modernization of the multidimensional social and political space of modern Russia” at the Department of International Relations, Political Science and Area Studies of VolSU on the presentation of Volgograd as a academic and methodological center for the formation of patriotism and civil identity in the Russian Federation. E.N. Vasilyeva presents an analytical review of the international scientific and practical conference “Stalingrad - a symbol of heroism, patriotism and cohesion of the peoples of Russia and the world”. S.B. Kozhirova characterizes the cooperation of foreign scholars with colleagues from the Volgograd State University on the formation of the historical memory of generations. S.A. Pankratov highlights the main activities of the Center for Public Diplomacy and the academic and educational center “Modernization of the multidimensional social and political space of modern Russia” in the context of the institutionalization of the practices of people’s diplomacy in the public policy of the herocity Volgograd-Stalingrad.
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The Armenian tracks in the history of the Chuvash
Статья научная
The introduction provides brief information to acquaint the reader with the history of the study of the topic in the title . It points to the difficulties in identifying the original homeland of the historical ancestors of the Chuvash. It also provides an ethnonymic picture. With regard to the methodology of the study, the author gave preference to a complex, cross-genre approach. This is most suitable for tackling questions of ethnic history because it makes it possible to draw on conclusions provided by allied disciplines. In this way, new knowledge emerges. Such a methodology also helps to get away from stagnated views. The materials subjected to analytical examination were primary sources (the authors of al-Kūfī, a - abarī, al-Beladsori/al-Balāurī, Łewond (Leontius), Zacharias Rhetor, Xenophon, and Apollonius of Rhodes), as well as the works of prominent 20th- and 21st-century scholars (A.V. Golovnev, M.S. Gadjiev, A.S. Kassian, M.L. Khachikian, and A.K. Shahinyan). Analysis. Attention is chiefly devoted to an examination of historical and geographical facts, ethnographic matters, and linguistic analogies. The paper includes a series of lexical correspondences between Chuvash and Armenian. For example, Armenian dzor/tsor and Chuvash çyr mean “bank, steep slope”; kh”yar and khăyar mean “cucumber.” There are instances when Chuvash and Armenian homophones have similar meanings. Kin refers to “daughter-in-law” in Chuvash and “wife, woman, lady” in Armenian.
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The Kurds in the U.S. Iraqi policy in 1958-1960
Статья научная
Introduction. The article deals with the U.S. Middle East Policy of the Eisenhower Administration in 1958-1960 and determines the part the Kurdish Question played in it. Methods and materials. The study is based on the latest U.S. declassified documents, interviews, memoirs, etc. The author does the problem-chronological analysis to describe the stages of the U.S. Policytoward Iraqi Kurds during the period specified. Analysis. The article is focused on the U.S. diplomatic and intelligence activities aimed at developing approaches to the “communist crisis” and disagreements that arose in the expert community regarding policy decisions. The author considers theU.S. relations with their regional partners (Turkey, Israel, Iran, etc.) on the issues of the “Iraqi crisis” and the Kurdish liberation movement. The paper describes Washington’s attitude to Mullah Mustafa Barzani - the Kurdish movement leader - and the KDP activities during Iraq’s post-Revolution instability. The author analyzes and summarizes the reasons why the U.S. was reluctant to involve in the domestic conflict between Qasim’s followers, Nationalists, Nasserites, Communists and Kurds. Results . The article shows that the CIA and the State Department often misjudged Qasim’s relationship with the Iraqi Communist Party and the national Kurdish movement and, as a result, did not have enough time to respond to the rapidly changing political situation, thus adopting the policy of benevolent neutrality.
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The USA's impact in solving border disputes in the Transcaucasia in 1919-1920
Статья научная
Introduction. The Transcaucasian states waged war with each other and desperately wanted to find some disinterested party to resolve their territorial disputes in 1918-1921. The territory was first occupied by the countries of the Triple Alliance, then by the Entente countries, and each of them contributed to the formation or resolution of territorial disputes. Methods and materials. Based on the historical-systemic and historical-genetic approaches, the author determines which territorial changes were proposed in the region by representatives of the United States and why. The documents collected in the State Archive of the Republic of Azerbaijan, the Archive of Political Documents of the Office of the President of the Republic of Azerbaijan, and the National Archive of Armenia were involved for analysis. Analysis. The influence of the United States on the solution of territorial issues was determined by the general approach to the territory as passing into a mandate state. During the discussion of this issue, the understanding of the American representatives about the borders of this zone expanded first from Armenia in a general sense to Transcaucasia, and then narrowed to the borders of Turkish Armenia, which brought them back to the issue of the borders of the Republic of Armenia. At the same time, representatives working in the region proposed a plan for interstate disengagement, different from the British plan, and tried to introduce a governor-general in the disputed territory. Results. The remoteness from the region, the presence of a single channel of information about it through the Armenian Diaspora in the United States affected the narrow perception of the situation in the region by American representatives. The issue of the adoption of a mandate over Armenia or Transcaucasia and Armenia somehow got connected with the issue of costs for its effective implementation. The failed attempt to create an American governor-general in the disputed territories recorded a lack of understanding of the situation in the region and the possibilities of its control and provoked more conflicts between Armenians and Azerbaijani.
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Статья научная
Introduction. There has been a rich tradition of using stereotypes and cliches of Russians in U.S. comic strips since the 1940s. Russian characters represent statehood, cultural dominants, and ethnic stereotypes. They convey the political agenda and civic values and demonstrate reactions to historical cataclysms. The leaders of the USSR represent the state as a political system in comic strips. In the 1980s, the interpretation of the “Russian threat” changed significantly, as did the methods of representing the General Secretary of the Soviet Union. Methods and materials . The article is based on the principles of historicism. The analysis was carried out using a set of methods: descriptive, elements of discourse analysis, and semiotic tools. The work used a range of sources, among which the most important were the issues of graphic comic strips regulating censorship documents and visual representations of Russians. Analysis. The author analyzed the dramaturgy of the 1986-1989 comic strips about the “Russian threat,” in which Mikhail Gorbachev appears. The key motifs that made up the image were identified, an iconological analysis was performed, and the speech characteristics of the protagonists and antagonists of superheroics were analyzed. The dynamics of the image of the leader of the USSR in superhero comic strips were determined by the transition from a caricature image to a Machiavellian ruler of the “Evil Empire,” ready, among other things, to collaborate with the United States.
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The United States policy towards UN peacekeeping operations under the Trump administration
Статья научная
Introduction. The United States has always been one of the five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council and the largest financial donor to the UN System and peacekeeping operations. American policy towards the organization and peacekeeping operations has varied from harsh critique to active support. While in the office, President Trump criticized UN PKO missions for their inefficiency and pointed out the need for reforms both in the field of peacekeeping and the entire UN system. This led some American scholars to conclude that the Trump administration was an entirely special phenomenon in American policy towards the United Nations. This article analyzes United States policy towards UN peacekeeping under the Trump administration and attempts to respond to the question: does President Trump’s policy regarding UN peacekeeping operations represent a fundamentally new phenomenon, or is it a continuation of trends that emerged during previous administrations? Methods and materials. The article analyses U.S. State Budgets, State Department Congressional Budget Justifications, official speeches by President Trump, Trump Administration foreign policy doctrine ‘America First’, official UN documents related to funding issues and troop contributions. The authors also conducted expert interviews. Analysis. President Trump administration policy towards UN peacekeeping is analyzed to identify its main trends and determine their similarities with the policies of previous presidents towards UN peace operations. Results. The article concludes that, although President Trump’s policy on UN peacekeeping operations was more critical than that of many of his predecessors, it is essentially a continuation of long-standing trends in U.S. politics. Authors’ contributions. D. Pushkina defined research focus of the article, examined academic literature on USA administrations’ policies towards the United Nations, selected research methods, defined the main vectors of the research, organized interviews with experts and made general conclusions. A. Khazanova researched and analyzed official U.S. documents with special focus on U.S. policy towards United Nations and UN peacekeeping, examined relevant UN documents, gathered budgetary data, conducted interviews with experts, made conclusions.
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The chronology of Neolithic-Eneolithic in the steppe zone of the Volga basin
Статья научная
Introduction. The steppe zone of the Volga basin is interesting in connection with the study of the Orlovskaya, Cis-Caspian, and Khvalinskaya cultures. These cultures have an important significance for the prehistorical archaeology of Eastern Europe. The Orlovskaya culture is characterized by the appearance of the most ancient ceramics in the region, early signs of domestication are connected with the Cis-Caspian culture but the earlier metal items were found in the Khvalinskaya culture. Together with the main features of these cultures, the important question is a determination of reliable boundaries of them. From 2007 more than 60 radiocarbon dates were obtained. The basis consisted of the materials of the Varfolomeevskaya site. The most of dates had been done on the organics from ceramics. That was under dispute. Methods and materials. During the last eight years, more than 30 radiocarbon dates were obtained on the different organic materials (charcoal, animal bones, and food charred crusts) from new open stratified sites - Algay and Oroshaemoe. This set of dates gave the possibility to develop a reliable chronological schema for the Neolithic-Eneolithic in the region under consideration. The comparison of dates on the different organic materials has been done. Results. The chronological framework of the Orlovskaya culture, the Cis-Caspian culture of transition period and the Eneolithic Khvalinskaya culture for the steppe zone of the Volga basin was determined. The place of the Orlovskaya cultural antiquities among of Neolithic cultures of neighboring regions was established. The age of transitional Neolithic-Eneolithic Cis-Caspian culture with the earliest pieces of evidence of domestication in Eastern Europe was definite. The chronological framework of the Khvalinskaya Eneolithic culture in the steppe zone was considered and made the comparison with the Cis-Caspian culture. Authors’ contribution. A.A. Vybornov is prepared the archaeological part of the article and did analysis and their interpretation of the radiocarbon dates on the Neolithic of the steppe zone of the Volga basin. F.F. Giljazov collected all dates of the Orlovskaya culture of the Algay and Oroshaemoe sites. N.S. Doga did an analysis of dates of the Cis-Caspian and Khvalinskaya cultures on these sites. M.A. Kulkova obtained the radiocarbon dates for differentlayers of the Algay and Oroshaemoe sites and did the correlations on the different organic materials. B. Philippsen obtained the AMS dates on charcoal, bones, charred crusts and did their correlation.
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The cominternist origins of current socialist bolivarianism
Статья научная
Introduction. The article examines the Comintern “trace” in the formation of modern “Bolivarian socialism”, proclaimed by the leaders of Venezuela at the beginning of the 21st century. Communist postulates (in the Comintern perception) were, certainly, not the only source of the formation of the ideology of the ruling Socialist United Party of Venezuela. At the same time, a number of the postulates were formulated back in the 1920s by activists of the Venezuelan Revolutionary Party (later they became members of the country’s Communist Party) and the Socialist Party of Ecuador. A number of similar concepts were the subject of discussions between the leadership of the Comintern and the Peruvian People’s Revolutionary Alliance and were also debated during one of the congress of the Communist International. Another important aspect explored by the authors is the analogy between the processes of the formation of a united left party in Venezuela in the 1930s and in the 2000s (as a comparative example, the pattern of creating a united revolutionary party within the framework of the Castro revolution in Cuba was also used). Methods and materials. The study uses a set of methods of analysis adopted in historical and political science, namely documentary analysis, systemic and comparative analysis. Analysis and Results. The cases presented in the article prove that Socialism of the 21st century is not the exclusive creation of Hugo Chavez, but is closely related to ideological discussions in the international left-wing movement of the first half of the 20th century. The article is based primarily on archival documents, which allowed the authors to show little-known pages in the historyof Latin American left-wing parties. Authors’contribution . V.L. Jeifets and L.S. Jeifets made joint analysis of the archival documents, carried out the study of historiography, and developed the theoretical framework of the research. The conclusions also are the product of joint work.
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Статья научная
The concept of ‘peasant wars’ in 17th- and 18th-century Russia was borrowed by Soviet historians from Friedrich Engels’ work on the Peasant War in Germany. The four peasant wars of the early modern period were identified as the uprisings led by Ivan Bolotnikov (1606-1607), Sten’ka Razin (1667-1671), Kondratiy Bulavin (1707-1708) and Emel’ian Pugachev (1773-1775). Following a debate in the journal Voprosy istorii in 1958-1961, the ‘first peasant war’ was generally considered to encompass the period c.1603-1614 rather than simply 1606- 1607. This approach recognised the continuities in the events of the early 17th century, and it meant that the chronological span of the ‘first peasant war’ was virtually identical to that of the older concept of the ‘Time of Troubles’. By the 1970s the term, ‘civil wars of the feudal period’ (based on a quotation from Lenin) was sometimes used to define ‘peasant wars’. It was recognised by Soviet historians that these civil wars were very complex in their social composition, and that the insurgents did not exclusively (or even primarily) comprise peasants, with Cossacks playing a particularly significant role. Nevertheless the general character of the uprisings was seen as ‘anti-feudal’. From the 1980s, however, R.G. Skrynnikov and A.L. Stanislavskiy discarded the view that the events of the ‘Time of Troubles’ constituted an anti-feudal peasant war. They preferred the term ‘civil war’, and stressed vertical rather than horizontal divisions between the two armed camps. Western historians, with the notable exception of the American historian Paul Avrich, generally rejected the application of the term ‘peasant wars’ to the Russian uprisings of the early modern period, regarding them as primarily Cossack-led revolts. From the 1960s, however, Western scholars such as Teodor Shanin (following the American anthropologist Eric Wolf) began to use the term ‘peasant wars’ in relation to the role played by peasants in 20th-century revolutionary events such as those in Russia and China. Some of these Western historians, including Avrich and Wolf, used the term not only for peasant actions in the Russian revolutions of 1905 and 1917, but also for peasant rebellions against the new Bolshevik regime (such as the Makhnovshchina and the Antonovshchina ) that Soviet scholars considered to be counter-revolutionary banditry. The author argues that, in relation to the ‘Time of Troubles’ in early 20th-century Russia, the term ‘peasant war’ is not entirely suitable to describe peasant actions against the agrarian relations of the old regime in 1905 and 1917, since these were generally orderly and non-violent. The term is more appropriate for the anti-Bolshevik uprisings of armed peasant bands in 1918-1921, as suggested by the British historian Orlando Figes.
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