Статьи. Рубрика в журнале - Schole. Философское антиковедение и классическая традиция
Neoplatonic Exegesis of Hermaic Chain: Some Reflections
Статья научная
In his exposition of the philosophical history of Neoplatonist School in Athens, Damascius attempts to prove that Isidore's soul was part of the Hermaic chain to which Proclus also belonged. According to Marinus (V. Procl. 28), Proclus had the revelation of this very fact and had learned from a dream that he possessed the soul of the Pythagorean Nicomachus of Gerasa. In the 4th and 6th centuries the expression “pattern of Hermes Logios” is transmitted through the various links of the Neoplatonic chain, Julian (Or. 7.237c), Proclus (in Parm. I.618), Damascius (V. Isid. Fr. 16) and Olympiodorus (in Gorg. 41.10.16–22; in Alc. 190.14–191.2). The formula that Aelius Aristides (Or. III.663) dedicates to the praise of Demosthenes, the best of Greek orators, arises in the context of an opposition between rhetoric and philosophy, and appears transferred and transmuted in the texts of the Neoplatonic schools to a philosophical context that defends an exegetical mode of teaching. Demosthenes, through his admirer Aristides, exerts an influence on Neoplatonism, introducing Hermes as the key piece that strengthens the chain of reason and eloquence. Hermes, the “eloquent” god or “friend of discourses”, transmits divine authority through the word of the exegete: an exceptional philosopher, a model of virtue to strive to rise to.
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Odysseus and the self-inflicted wound mythical tale and temporality
Статья научная
In our work, we show that Helen's recollection of Odysseus' self-inflicted wound places us in an eternal present, emerging "from" and disappearing "in" the nature of the Homeric hexameter, et retour , to create and recreate semantic spaces that make possible the return of the hero and the heroic action, giving the temporal correlation an unexpected meaning through the past-future / future-past correspondence.
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On stoic self-contradictions: vs. in Chrysippus (SVF III, 289)
Статья научная
In this article, I offer an analysis of Chrysippus’ treatment of “injustice” (ἀδικία) in SVF III, 289. First, I show that he espouses two theses: I) Every injustice is an act of harming those who suffer it; II) One who does injustice to others thereby does it to oneself. Then I discuss the two most plausible interpretations of II): a) One who does “conventional” injustice to others, i.e. causes them non-moral harm, thereby does “moralistic” injustice to oneself, i.e. makes oneself morally worse; b) One who does “moralistic” injustice to others thereby does it to oneself. I show that a) is untenable because the Stoics reject the very notion of non-moral harm, and b) fails because they believe that moral harm is basically self-regarding.
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On symbolon and synthema in the platonic theology of Proclus
Статья научная
Many recent studies propose that symbolon and synthēma are synonymous in the writings of Proclus. However, his Platonic Theology contains reliable evidence to put this opinion to doubt. The goal of this research is to determine the meaning of both terms from the contexts of their usage, engaging the textual analysis and the following philosophical reconstruction. As distinguished from a symbol, a synthēma has substantial nature, is stable and remains invariable when is discovered at different levels of the ontological hierarchy. In the Platonic Theology, a symbol is often considered in terms of the hierarchic level, where it appears: in the material world, it is corporeal; among numbers, it is ontologically irrelevant, the intelligible realm contains its proper symbols as well. A significant difference between symbolon and synthēma is related to the dialectics of participation: synthēma in an object keeps it on an unparticipated level, while a symbol implies further participation to a symbolic object. Finally, a synthēma is described as “disseminated,” “planted,” or in any other way hidden in the being; while a symbol is “discovered,” or found in the being, therefore synthēma may be considered an inner kernel of what is discovered as a symbol, and a symbol - as an outward expression of a synthēma. Such understanding of these terms agrees with both exegetical and theurgic contexts in Proclus' Platonic Theology.
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Статья научная
Before the Greek-Persian wars, the Ionians had tried to engage the Hellenic states of the Balkan Greece in the flaring advance of a group of poleis in Asia Minor against the Persian rule, the Ionic revolt resulted in a large-scale (within the ancient world) conflict between the East and the West and unleashed a half-century’s confrontation between the Hellenes and the Achaemenid Empire. In the complex international situation shaped at the turn of the 5th century BC in the Hellenic world — in its European and Asian parts — strong poleis needed not only military power but also the art of diplomacy to maintain their steadfast stance. In the second half of the 6th century BC the states of the Eastern part of the Aegean Sea frequently tried to involve Spartans in their affairs and exploit their military power in fighting Persians. Herodotus gives accounts of several such attempts: Hdt. 1.82–83; 1.152; 3.46–47 and 54–56; 3.148; 5.49–51 and 97; 6.84. Aware of the ‘enormity’ of the Persian wars in the world history, Herodotus chose a topic of a Homeric scale to be accounted of epically. His historical ad ethnographic text is made up of various myths, yarns, legends, anecdotes and amusing and edifying short stories. The tyrant of Miletus Aristagoras sought to engage the Spartans in the conflict with the Persians by using peculiar bronze tablet (khalkeos pinax), which was an archaic geographic proto-map meant to persuade Cleomenes to set out on a dangerous military march (Hdt. 5.49–50). According to the author of the article, the novella of Aristagoras’ mission in Sparta and the bronze tablet are presented in the Histories as a drama: with dialogues, urgings, attempts made by the protagonist (the tyrant of Miletus) he tried to get King Cleomenes interested and win him over, yet, Aristagoras’ designs failed. The role of Gorgo, the young daughter of the King, in this mini-drama is of great importance: she condemns the cunning petitioner, thereby rescuing her father and Sparta. This must be one of the tales that the Father of History could have heard about the wise Spartan Queen. The moral of the Herodotus’ parable about Aristagoras, Cleomenes, Gorgo and the ‘geographical map’ can be interpreted as follows: beware of the Ionians bringing fake tablets. But in Athens everything turned out differently. There Aristagoras’ mission was successful. Athenians sent the Ionians 20 ships, which, as Herodotus writes in Homer’s language, became “the beginning of the disasters” (arkhe kakov) of all Hellenes and the barbarians (Hdt. 5.97.3) — the beginning of the great conflict between Europe and Asia.
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On the meaning of the term symbol in the writings of Plutarch of Chaeronea
Статья научная
Plutarch of Chaeronea was a prominent Middle Platonist, influential both in early Christian Platonism and in pagan Neoplatonic schools. One of the significant markers of this succession is an increasing interest in symbolism and terminological usage of the term symbol. As Plutarch provided almost no explicit theory of symbolism, this research focuses on the contextual word usage in his writings, its analysis and reconstruction of Plutarchian symbolism in the philosophical milieu of his time. Plutarch understands symbol as a two-level entity, which combines an ordinary object or object-related action with a signification of some other entity that is absent, invisible or otherwise imperceptible, so a symbol points to it or acts instead of it. Unlike signs, symbols are ambiguous and may have multiple meanings. Moreover, the polysemanticism of a symbol is considered its strong advantage that reveals the ontological profundity of the symbolized entity. Symbols may appear odd and amazing, thus provoking philosophical inspiration in a person trying to decipher them. Along with single symbols, Plutarch provides examples of integral symbolic systems, among which he mentions human languages. Finally, symbols may be not only passive pointers or reminders but also actors, which influence human decisions and deeds. Plutarch provides a detailed description of the way daemons use symbols as a means to induce mortals to make correct choices. The general pattern of Plutarchian symbolism can be compared with similar conceptions of Clement of Alexandria, Porphyry of Tyre, and Iamblichus of Chalcis.
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Статья научная
In this essay, the function of the personification of Parmenides himself with the horse of Ibycus in the dialogue of Plato’s Parmenides will be elaborated. The analytical process of this reference by Parmenides will focus to demonstrate that the personification is an allegorical element of Plato whose role in the dialogue is crucial for the understanding of the author's objective about the second more extended part of the Parmenides.
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Статья научная
The paper deals with the concept of Hermetic philosophy presented in Pseudo-Apuleius' dialogue Asclepius, sive dialogus Hermetis Trismegisti . The attempt is made to describe the special characteristic of this philosophy and its spiritual dimension. Hermetic philosophy is not about solving complicated theoretical problems. Hermetic philosophy only wants to inspire and arouse the natural spiritual sensibility of its adept and open his mind to receiving the divine Mind (God).
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Plato and the cave allegory. An interpretation beginning with verbs of knowledge
Статья научная
In this paper we study the organization of the allegory of the cavern through the investigation of knowledge verbs. First, we briefly follow the interpretations of the allegory of the cave that we consider most significant and our perspective: all are valid provided that each does not deny the others. At our core we analyze the verbs of knowledge: how they relate to each other and what structure of knowledge they establish. In the conclusion, we affirm that the verbs do not present a vision of being as "what is", but as "what is being"; this means, with respect to the allegory, that the relation between being and intelligibility means a pathway of mutual equalization, which the prisoner of the cave goes through; nevertheless, the attempt to reach a comprehensive intelligence of the being requires one more step: to integrate the phenomena to the comprehension of the real thing.
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Plato on being, time, and recollection
Статья научная
In his dialogues Plato presents two ways of reasoning about Being. First, he constructs contrasting images that depict Being as if it were a spatiotemporal entity. Second, when a higher-order form of reasoning is needed, he uses the concept of the one and its relation to arithmos as an analogue for Being and its relation to not-Being. In Plato’s dialogues, images and arithmos are not mutually exclusive. Rather, they are complementary; Plato sometimes employs an image of a whole to portray that which is neither spatial nor temporal. Such an image is determined by a conceptual structure that joins many into one. Focusing on the Sophist and the Meno, I argue that the theory of recollection presents such an image.
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Статья научная
Does the philosopher Plato, despite his elevation to a supreme position in the intelligible world of the Beautiful itself, or the Idea of Beauty, really exhibit any appreciation of the beauties of nature, or Natural Beauty? The omission of any mention of the beauties of Nature in Diotima’s ladder of ascent to the Beautiful Itself in the Symposium leads me to propose that Plato, in line with the sensibility of Greeks of the Classical period in general, does not possess what would later be termed an ‘Arcadian’ view of the beauties of the natural world; and even in the later Platonist tradition there is little evidence of such sensibility.
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Plato’s Philosophical Mimesis: On the Pedagogical and Protreptic Value of Imperfection
Статья научная
This article addresses two often perplexing traits in Plato’s philosophical style: first, the fact that Plato’s writings are mimetic, despite the strong criticisms of mimesis we find therein; second, the fact that this mimesis not only features the constitutive defects inherent to any mimesis, but Plato actually increases its imperfection by adding other manifest defects. Based on epistemological and psychological views taken from the Platonic corpus (especially the soul’s tripartition), I show how Plato’s philosophical mimesis uses defectiveness or imperfection to overcome the limitations of mimesis identified in the Republic. To explain this, I argue that Plato’s philosophical mimesis should be primarily conceived as an imitation of people or conversations in which views or arguments are conveyed, but rather as an imitation of the act or practice of philosophical inquiry, and that by rendering this act visible to the reader, the Platonic corpus can better teach how to perform it and better turn readers to a life determined by its performance. This is not without risks because, as a type of mimesis, philosophical mimesis can still lead to misunderstandings or affect the soul in a negative way. However, the quantitative, qualitative and tonal defects Plato introduces in his mimesis of philosophical inquiry cause astonishment and therefore have a provocative effect that helps to reduce those risks and enhance the corpus’ pedagogic and protreptic potential. Consequently, Plato’s philosophical mimesis explores the benefits of mimesis and is in strong contrast with artistic or dramatic mimesis as is understood in Republic X.
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Plato’s critique of scientific management in Charmides
Статья научная
I discover resources in Plato’s Charmides for a critique of management as a form of knowledge. After interpreting in a practical register Critias’ idea of a science that would comprehend all sciences without understanding any of their objects (166c - 175a), I argue that the paradoxes with which Socrates confronts this idea can be overcome. With reference to F.W. Taylor’s Principles of Scientific Management , I show how this overcoming depends upon transforming productive activity so that it no longer requires the knowledge of products that characterizes techne . As Socrates foresaw, a science that has all ways of working as its object must have somehow expropriated work of its own proper objects.
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Playing and laughing gods of Plato's dialogues in the commentaries of Proclus
Статья научная
“Socrates’ irony” is a well-known topos even for those readers who are far from ancient philosophy. Dialogues of Plato contain different modes of humour, from mild self-irony to quite sarcastic tones. Plato’s gods are ‘playful,’ they treat people as those were ‘playthings.’ The best way of mortals’ life is to play also, spending their time in “sacrificing, singing, and dancing.” However, Neoplatonic commentaries to Plato tend to avoid explicit laughter and any direct mode of humour. Proclus Lycaeus, one of the most fruitful commentators of Plato, seems to disregard anything ludicrous in Plato’s writing. The places, where Plato speaks about laughter or playing games, are explained by Proclus as signs to some kind of divine activity towards the material realm. Even smile and laughter of particular humans are interpreted in the same way as symbols ( synthēmata ) of gods’ providence. What Proclus discusses in minor details, is the dialectics of gods’ procession into the sensible world, causing substantiation of the universe, and retention of the internal bonds that keep it eternal and unchangeable. Similarly, temporary particular beings also benefit from divine providence, which fortifies their vital capabilities. In general, these forms of providence are depicted by “the undying laughter” of gods. In spite of this approach seeming to be superfluously ‘scholastic’ and therefore losing the dramatic perspective of Plato’s writings, we suggest that Proclean interpretation may assume laughter to be related to some theurgic practice. Therefore, reading and interpretation the game- and laughter-related passages of Plato could have been considered themself a kind of theurgic “sacred play.”
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Plotinus views on soul, suicide, and incarnation
Статья научная
The questions that need to be answered, if we want to understand the role of suicide and its connection with the soul, incarnation, murder of man and living beings in the Universe of Plotinus, are as follows: To what extent should the body be considered an outer shell? Is purification the goal of the incarnation of the soul? Is it not the case that through the incarnation in the individual soul new, previously hidden possibilities are actualized, or is the body only a tool for punishing the soul and its alienation? Our ideas about Plotinus philosophy essentially depend on how we solve this riddle. And although, as the comparison of Ennead 1.4.46 and 1.9.16 shows, Plotin changed his attitude toward suicide as he age, this concept arises in his philosophy in several basic contexts. First of all, in the traditional sense for the present, he asks about whether the soul should, if it is given free choice, leave the body or stay in it? In addition, Plotinus enriches our concept of suicide with two additional meanings. Secondly, he considers self-incarnation to be suicide, illustrating this idea with the myths about the infant Dionysus and Narcisse: the incarnation is presented here as an involuntary suicide, the result of the irrational desire of the soul for matter. Secondly, suicide should be considered the killing or destruction of another living being or plant, because in this case we destroy a particle of a single soul, which are themselves involved. Unlike Plotinus, the late Neoplatonists, such as Damascus, insisted on the impossibility of a complete separation of the soul from the case as long as the body is alive, which made it impossible for the soul of the potential sage to completely immerse himself in the positive nothingness of the absolutely Ineffable first principle. After all, the soul is always connected with the body, which can not accompany its true self on the path to another in relation to the soul full of Nothingness.
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Статья научная
This article examines the parallels between the reforms of Gaius Gracchus and the actions of Spurius Cassius as described by Dionysius of Halicarnassus, shedding new light on the interpretation of grain dole, land allotments and the role of Italian allies in the Lex Agraria Sempronia. The narrative of Spurius Cassius appears heavily anachronistic, reflecting the conflicts of Gaius Gracchus’s era rather than those of the early Republic. Through a detailed analysis of the biographical structure of Plutarch’s parallel lives of Gaius Gracchus and Cleomenes, the article explores the moral and political frameworks imposed by these authors. These comparisons reveal indirect evidence suggesting that Gaius Gracchus may have included Italian allies in his land reforms, a hypothesis that contrasts with traditional interpretations of his legislation. By comparing literary and rhetorical strategies, the study highlights how Dionysius and Plutarch utilized historical figures to reflect broader political and moral debates. Upon examining these texts, the study contributes to a re-evaluation of Gracchus’s agrarian reforms and their implications for Roman-Italian relations during the late Republic.
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Praestigiae platonis: the cavernous puppetshow
Статья научная
The paper deals with Plato’s Allegory of the Cave at the beginning of the 7th book of the Republic , focusing on the two lowest stages of the Cave (and the corresponding parts of the Line from the simile in the Sixth book), occupied, respectively, by ‘prisoners and puppeteers’; the identity of these groups is questioned, along the lines set by J. Wilberding in his homonymously entitled article. The puppeteers and their show are examined with regard to the lexical peculiarities of Plato’s text, in particular his usage of thauma and the derived thaumatopoios . The overall ironical, playful character of the Allegory is emphasized, calling for cautious reading beyond its apparent face value. A Russian term vertep , meaning both ‘a cave’ and ‘a portable puppetshow’, may prove itself helpful in approaching the sense Plato actually intended with his Allegory.
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Статья научная
The widely spread Essenes practice of the future events prediction is likely to be based on their belief in the absolute predestination. In this light the hitherto unclarified etymology of the very term Ἐσσαῖοι / Ἐσσηνοί can be traced to the Aramaic notion חשיא (pl. st. emph.)/resp. חשאין (st. abs.; sing. חשא), which is likely to be interpreted as “what man has to suffer, predestination, fortune”; this derivation appears to be relevant not only semantically, but also linguistically. Thus the term “Essenes” can be interpreted as the “fatalists” (see e.g. Tantlevskij 2013). The doctrine of predestination also plays the key role in religious outlook of the Qumran community, and it is considered to be one of the most fundamental arguments in favor of the Qumranites identification with the Essenes. Some Platonic-Pythagorean (not only Stoic) doctrines can be regarded as certain Hellenistic parallels to the Essenic-Qumranic conception of predestination.
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Proclus the neoplatonist's proposals on education: epistemological prolegomena
Статья научная
This historical and systematic study discusses in the form of a reconstructive proposal the system of the general epistemological principles followed by the eclecticist Proclus, who attempts to organize and present questions on Education directly associated with Practical Reason. From the methodological point of view, the example emerged from his commentary on the Platonic dialogues Alcibiades I and Respublica for providing instruction is multidimensional and holistic and aims at a complete transformation of human personality. The foundation for any philosophical and political approach, as constantly stressed, is that human is a special and unique being that can be able to influence decisively the social status. Considering the content of the study, we are discussing, mainly from a historical point of view, the position and the purpose of Education in Late Hellenistic Period, as well as Proclus’ contribution to the disciplines of Anthropology and Ethics, which are closely related to the objectives of Education. We complete the study with some further remarks with regard to the deepest meaning of Proclus’ proposal and the possibility to implement it in these days. The above-mentioned are not presented as final conclusions, but as questions-inquiries, in order to propose an internally developing methodology for investigating.
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Pseudo-platonic immortality: axiochus and its posterity in humanism
Статья научная
The aim of this article is to trace the influence of Axiochus, an apocryphal text attributed to Plato, on Humanism. The dialogue, which belongs to the literary genre of “consolation”, addresses the theme of contempt of death and the immortality of the soul. The jurist Pedro Díaz de Toledo (1410/15 - 1466) translated it into Spanish in 1444 from a Latin version entitled De morte contemnenda, which Cencio de’ Rustici had translated eight years earlier, probably from the Greek codex provided by Joannes Chrysoloras, the Vaticanus gr. 1031. For his part, the humanist Beatus Rhenanus (1485 - 1547), the owner of five editions, revised and corrected in detail the text of a translation by Rudolf Agricola, proposing a number of amendments and changes that would appear in the Basel edition printed by Adam Petri in 1518.
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